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Full text of "Memoir on the cholera at Oxford, in the year 1854, with considerations suggested by the epidemic"

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ON THE 

CHOLERA AT OXFORD. 



ACLAND. 








EX LIBRIS 
JOHN FARQUHAR FULTON 



YALE 
MEDICAL LIBRARY 




HISTORICAL 
LIBRARY 



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MEMOIR 



ON THE 



CHOLERA AT OXFORD. 



IN THE YEAR 1854. 



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MAP OF OXFORD. 

DR.ACLAND'S MEMOIR ON CHOLERA IN OXFORD IN 1854, 

THE LOCALITIES IN WHICH CHOLERA * CHOLERAIC DIARRHOEA OCCURRED IN 1854. 
AND CHOLERA IN 1832 & 1849; 

THE PARTS OF THE TOWN DESCRIBED AS UNHEALTHY, BY 

ORMEROD, GREENH1LL & ALLEN, AND A WRITER IN THE OXFORD HERALD; 

THE PARTS REMEDIED SINCE THE DATE OF THEIR DESCRIPTIONS; 

THE DISTRICTS STILL UNDRA1NED; 

THE PARTS OF THE RIVER STILL CONTAMINATED BY SEWERS, IN I8SS, 

AND THE CONTOUR 




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MEMOIR 

ON THE 

CHOLERA AT OXFORD, 

IN THE YEAR 1854, 

WITH CONSIDERATIONS SUGGESTED BY THE EPIDEMIC. 



BY 

HENRY WENTWOETH ACLAND, 

i i i 
M.D., F.R.S., F.R.G.S., &c. 

FELLOW OF THE ROYAL COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS; 
PHYSICIAN TO THE BADOLIFFE INFIRMARY ; RADCLIFFE LIBRARIAN ; AND LEE'S READER IN ANATOMY 

IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD. 



LONDON: 

JOHN CHURCHILL, NEW BURLINGTON STREET, 

AND J. H. AND J. PARKER, 377, STRAND. 

OXFORD : J. H. AND J. PARKER. 

M.DCCC.LVI. 



The chiefe Vse then in man of that he knowes, 
Is his paines taking for the good of all, 
Not fleshly weeping for our owne made woes, 
Not laughing from a Melancholy gall, 
Not hating from a soule that overflowes 
With bitternesse, breath'd out from inward thrall : 
" But sweetly rather to ease, loose, or binde, 
" As need requires, this fraile fall'n humane kinde." 

Yet some seeke knowledge, meerely to be knowne, 

And idle Curiositie that is ; 

Some but to sell, not freely to bestow ; 

These gaine, and spend both time, and wealth amisse, 

Embasing Arts, by basely deeming so ; 

Some to build others, which is Charity ; 

But these to build themselues, who wise men be. 



Certaine Learned and Elegant Workes of Lord Brooke, 1633, P- W. 



Cent 
RE 133 

|85^ A 



CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

Dedication • * 

Introduction " 

PART I. 

HISTOBY OF THE EPIDEMIC. 

CHAPTER I.— Course of the Disease in Oxford. 

Table of Cases of Cholera and Choleraic Diarrhoea 14 

Localities of the first thirty Cases 2 1 

Physical Topography of the City 2 * 

Impurities of the Isis and the Cherwell 24 

The Intensity of the Disease in successive periods of the Epidemic 24 

Table of Cases and Deaths for every week of the Epidemic 26 

Table of Cases and Deaths for every week of the Epidemics of 1832, 1849, and 1854 . . . . 28 

Order of Attack in the Parishes 29 

Proportion of Cases to Deaths in the several Districts . . . . 29 

Table, showing the Cases and Deaths per 1000 in 1832, 1849, and 1854 30 

Proportion of Deaths to Cases in Private Houses and Public Institutions 31 

Table, showing the above in 1832, 1849, and 1854 32 

The Cholera, in relation to Age, Sex, and Occupation 33 

Progress of Diarrhoea and Choleraic Diarrhoea 35 

Comparison of the Epidemics of 1854, 1832, and 1849 36 

Table, illustrating the above 37 

CHAPTER II.— On the Cholera in the Neighbourhood of Oxford. 

Cases apparently sporadic 40 

Cases apparently traceable to communication with Oxford, a. where one case occurred . . . . 43 

b. where other cases followed . . . . 44 

CHAPTER III. — Local causes which may have influenced the Progress of the Disease. 

General condition of the people 46 

State of the Dwellings of the Poorest Classes 46 

Effect of Elevation 47 

Effect of Density of Population 50 

Effect of Imperfect Drainage and of Water Supply 50 



2 CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER IV .—Meteorology of the Epidemic (by Mr. Johnson). 

Tables, Barometer 

Thermometers, Hygromatical Deductions 

Mean daily range of Thermometer DO 

Quantity of Rain 

Direction, &c. of the Wind 56 

Amount of Cloud, Ozonometer 

Explanation of the Tables ' 

The Relation between the Atmosphere and the Disease (The Author) 63 

Ozone 6r> 

Thermometer °5 

Rain, Wind, Barometer 66 

CHAPTER V.— Treatment of the Disease in Oxford. 

Opinions of the Medical Practitioners concerning the Treatment of Diarrhoea 67 

— — and Choleraic Diarrhoea . . 68 

( )ther considerations concerning the Treatment of Diarrhoea and Choleraic Diarrhoea . . . . 70 

CHAPTER VI.— The Conclusions. 

Theory of the Cause or Causes of the Disease 73 

General Phenomena of the Disease in the Oxford District 75 

Hypothesis of the Nature of Cholera 76 

Practical Conclusions 77 

On the mode of Spreading of the Disease 79 

The Danger of close Dwellings : SO 

Previous preparation for Cholera, economical and necessary 82 

Summary 83 



PART II. 

ARRANGEMENTS MADE IN OXFORD DURING THE EPIDEMIC. 

Principles on which the Arrangements were conducted 86 

Example of a Pubhc Notice which embodies the chief arrangements 88 

Forms of Cheque Books, &c 93 

Distribution of Medical Attendants 95 

The Field of Observation 97 

The Nurses 98 

Distribution of Food 99 

Duties of Inspector 102 

Business of the Police Office 103 



CONTENTS. 3 
PART III. 

THE LESSON OF THE EPIDEMIC. 

CHAPTER I.— Our Present Condition. 

An unreasonable mode of life one cause of disease 105 

The end of Hygiene 107 

Chief Evils of a Town Population 108 

CHAPTER II. — On some Habitations in Oxford, and their Ventilation. 

Comparison between the Infirmary and the Gaol 109 

Arnott on Ventilation 109 

The Manchester and Salford Association's advice concerning houses Ill 

CHAPTER III— The Drainage of Oxford. 

The State of the Thames 114 

The Evil of the Foulness of the River 115 

On the Disposal of Town Sewage 116 

The Value of Town Sewage 117 

Mr. Lawes' opinion concerning it 118 

Conclusions thereupon 119 

The Practical course with respect to Oxford 120 

Letter from Professor Voelcker on Sewage 122 

Analysis by him of Leicester Bricks 125 

CHAPTER IV. — On certain points affecting Voluntary Institutions for giving Medical Aid. 

Poor Law Medical Relief 127 

Subscriptional Hospitals, as Standards of Medical and Surgical Practice 129 

— — as Models of Sanitary and (Economical arrangement 130 

— — as Patterns of the mode of caring for the Sick 131 

Serious Disease the true ground for admission to a Hospital 137 

Admission to Hospitals by small payments 139 

On Parochial Nurses 139 

On certain points in the Management of Penitentiaries 140 

CHAPTER V. — On certain Relations between Moral and Physical Improvement. 

1st. On general Education, with a view to the domestic comfort of the Masses 142 

2nd. On Recreation, (i) Religious ISO 

— — (2) Intellectual 151 

— — (3) Physical 156 

CHAPTER VI.— The Summary. 

The wishes of the Medical Practitioners on the subject of Sanitary Improvement 159 

The Improvements which have been accomplished 161 



CONTENTS. 



APPENDIX. 

A. Dangers attending certain Localities at Witney 163 

B. On Drainage in China, by the Abbe Hue 163 

C. Protest against the Introduction of Gas into the Infirmary without Ventilating Tubes . . . . 165 

D. Letter from the Author to the Vice-Chancellor on the duty of erecting Wards for Cholera 

nr other Epidemic Disease 166 

E. On the tempers which are fostered by Scientific Studies, (by Professor Price) 168 

F. Certain Benevolent and Educational Institutions in Oxford 169 

G. Reference to certain Works on the subjects of this Memoir 172 



PLATES. 



1. Map of Oxford, showing the localities in which Cholera and Choleraic Diarrhoea occurred in 

1854, and Cholera in 1832 and 1849; together with the parts of the City described as un- 
healthy, by Ormerod, Greenhill, and Allen, and a writer in the Oxford Herald ; the parts reme- 
died since the date of their descriptions ; the districts still undrained ; the parts of the river still 
contaminated by Sewers, in 1855; and the contour levels. (To face Title-page.) 

2. Sketch Map of Oxford, showing the localities and order in which the first thirty cases occurred. 

(To face p. 21.) 

3. District round Oxford, showing the places in which Deaths from Cholera occurred in the latter 

half of 1854. (To face p.46.) 

4. House in Gas-street in which eleven cases of Cholera occurred. (To face p. 81.) 

5. Diagram, showing the daily number of new cases of Cholera, Choleraic Diarrhoea, and Diarrhoea, 

reported in Oxford during the Epidemic of 1854; together with the daily maximum and mini- 
mum of temperature of the Air, the amount of Rain, degree of moisture in the Air, the mean 
height of the Barometer, the force and direction of the Wind at 10 a.m. and 2 p.m. and the 
amount of Cloud. The Meteorological data furnished by Manuel Johnson, Esq. the Radcliffe 
Observer. (At the end of the Memoir.) 



TO 

SIR BENJAMIN COLLINS BRODIE, Bart., D.C.L. 

&c. &c. 

AND 

WILLIAM PULTENEY ALISON, M.D., D.C.L. 

&c. &c. 



This brief Memoir on the Cholera, as it occurred in Oxford in the year 1854, 
is dedicated to you, not as in itself worthy of the honour of your names, but as 
enabling me to record a part of the debt of gratitude which I owe to you both, 
for your instruction during my pupillage, and your unvarying friendship from that 
time until now. I have lived to aid in conferring upon you in our applauding 
Theatre a Degree, by the acceptance of which you have added value to that 
honour, and have linked your names for ever with the University of Oxford. I 
think with satisfaction that shortly the Son of one of you will teach the highest 
branches of Chemical Science, where the Father of the other first thought out 
those principles of Mental Philosophy, that will be for ever associated with the 
name of Alison. 

Not however for these reasons only should I have ventured to ask your indulgent 
patronage of this Essay ; but I ask it also because, in the freedom of happy inter- 
course, you enjoined on me, both by precept and example, to seek daily in our 
common Profession other fruit besides that which is indeed its first and most 
precious harvest — the Healing of Disease ; to seek out, and to strive to influence 
for good, those hidden circumstances which, more than we are aware of, affect both 
the physical and moral happiness of individuals, and masses of society; circum- 
stances which it is so much the desire of the present age to discover, and to guide. 
I saw in your own lives, how much of self- discipline and culture, what tender but 
active and wisely ordered charity every occurrence of daily life may be made to 
bring forth. How little of what you suggested I can hope to effect, is known only 
to the sadness of my own heart, and the observers of my failures. 



6 DEDICATION. 

To every thoughtful Physician, such a Visitation as a Cholera Epidemic brings 
a torrent of deep questionings. To be placed face to face with one of the great 
Scourges of Man ; to be forced to confront, in mass and in detail, the moral and 
physical evils which engender or increase Epidemic diseases in our Towns, is to be 
led into stern communings concerning the whole of our social and political life. 
"Why do such evils, long known, still exist ? Why is so much energy, as certainly 
exists in favour of all truly benevolent schemes, dormant, or misapplied I Does the 
moral and religious state of our people keep pace with their greater physical ad- 
vantages I Are we not in danger of forgetting, in the midst of boasted material 
and intellectual progress, that it is as certainly true now as ever it was, that the 
largest part of the misery among men depends at last on moral, not on material, 
causes ? These and many other such questions rise in the minds of Englishmen, 
when by social or political trial their souls are stirred within them. 

Some parts of England, when the Cholera was almost at its height in 1854, were 
nearly as unprepared as they had been in 1849. Is it certain they will be much better 
when it comes again I Can it possibly be that true social progress and the wisdom 
of self-government are hardly compatible I or that free institutions are less safe for 
a people as their education advances ' If it were so, must it not be that the educa- 
tion stumbles as it goes forward '. Surely, even if it be so, it need not so be. 

In Oxford — in this place of Education — many have striven, as others have 
striven, to add their share to the well-being of the people. It is no time for 
boasting, truly ! But in the determination to develope a greater knowledge of the 
material world, among those committed to their care, they have shown that they 
know a way, which though long is sure. We shall certainly every year send out 
more of the gentry and the clergy, informed on all subjects connected with the laws 
of health, and so with the well-being of the people. Think what one nobleman, 
one country gentleman, one clergyman, wise in these respects and energetic, can 
effect ! Think what many of the gentry and clergy have done ! What one man, 
Lord Shaftesbury, has achieved ! And then what may we not hope, when time 
has been given for our youths to obtain University honours for their knowledge 
of Chemistry, Physiology, Hygiene ; and so feel the cheering glow of physical 
truths, as applied to the bettering of man's estate. When the Professors who 
teach these subjects have made their purpose felt, through the hearts and the 
heads of the upper classes, how much good, and content, and gratitude, may not 
spring up in the hearts of even the most hopeless members of the body politic. 

But I return. You will excuse me for this digression, when you think how 
we are necessarily led to consider the very groundwork of our cecouomical con- 



DEDICATION. 7 

dition, when we talk of '" preparing for the Cholera." We all know now that the 
true preparation lies in the healthy life and well-ordered habits of the Community. 
We all know that the true management at the time requires the absolute 
authority of some discreet but competent power, unhampered by a routine which 
is proper for less urgent times. But this kind of preparation is dependent on 
more moral and social causes, than could be discussed within the compass of a 
volume; and this kind of management though the only effectual method, is too 
often distasteful to the people. 

The result of all these considerations appears to be this ; to be thankful for the 
great gain that has been made, and is making, in Sanitary matters ; to strive more 
earnestly after moral, intellectual, and religious, truly religious, progress ; if there 
be any whom we can each of us aid, to aid them as circumstances will allow us ; 
and so, hoping to the end, to leave the rest in the hands of the Disposer and Preserver 
of all things. 

That the general aim of these remarks will meet with your approval I do not 
doubt. If I could flatter myself that the pages which have called them forth 
could find equal indulgence at your hands, I should cherish the hope that they 
might prove of some advantage to the City and Counties on behalf of which they 
have been mainly undertaken. 

I am, with the truest respect, 

Your affectionate friend and servant. 

HENRY W. ACLAND. 

May 1st, 185C. 



A 2 



INTRODUCTION. 



This brief Memoir on the Cholera, as it occurred in Oxford in 1854, is made 
public by me with a full sense of its incompleteness, and half a wish that it had 
not been undertaken. But I believe it to be of consequence that it should be 
published without further delay, if at all ; and the same causes which have in part 
made it difficult to me to prepare it, viz. other duties, would make it nearly as 
difficult for me now materially to amend it. The labour of such an undertaking 
is far more than will be apparent to any but those accustomed to such works. 
Nothing but a sense of duty, and a debt of affection and gratitude to this Uni- 
versity, City, and District, would have induced me to undergo it. It is to those 
fully capable of judging of such a task, that I should most willingly submit for 
criticism a work, undertaken as a labour of love, without any means of obtaining 
information or aid except such as the hearty kindness of many friends of every class 
of society allowed ; a kindness indeed so hearty that no words of mine could express 
the sense which I entertain of it. 

For the purpose alone of obtaining a tolerably correct list of the Cholera Cases, 
it has been necessary to examine the whole City at least three times ; and trifling 
errors, which would not indeed have materially altered the general result, have 
required the recasting and recalculating all the Tables thrice also. If therefore 
any errors exist, as probably they do, they at least are not due to a lack of per- 
severance. Much of this labour was undertaken by my excellent Physiological 
Assistant in the Christ Church Museum, Mr. Dowson. 

With respect to the short Essays in the Third Part of the Memoir, they might 
perhaps have been wholly spared in their present form ; and if so, I should have 
been saved in that Part much time and trouble. But I hope the work may fall 
into the hands of persons who have not thought on the subjects of which they 
treat, or who may not have connected them with the idea of Epidemic Disease. 
If so, they will have their use in suggesting subjects to their serious attention ; 
and for this purpose they are printed. Various facts and opinions in the Paper 
will be so familiar to persons conversant with the several matters touched on in it, 
that they will be tempted to ask, why time was spent upon them. But I bear in 



10 INTRODUCTION. 

mind a stern rebuke of Chalmers, at the close of one of his Essays, addressed to 
those who, dreaming about great projects, refuse to apply themselves to the humble 
tasks lying immediately at their hands. And I am much of the mind of the in- 
junction to children, that they should learn to do their duty in the station of life 
in which they are placed. So that if in any way this place and neighbourhood be 
benefited by setting the more active minds here engaged to aid those who have 
already toiled in this field — and there are many — my object will be attained. 

To this may also be added, that some circumstances in the two first Parts of 
the Memoir have force, chiefly because they occurred in a small City — one pos- 
sessing an Active and Pious Clergy, and a number of Benevolent and Beneficent 
persons proportionately as great as any in the kingdom. What then may still be 
the state of some of the less fortunate and denser Towns I 

The matters placed in the Appendix are referred thither to keep the text free 
from interruptions and digressions. 

It remains for me only to add, as heartily and respectfully as I am able, my 
thanks to those who have in any way aided me by information or advice. I truly 
wish that the result were more worthy of their names, and their kindness. I fear 
the Reader may wonder what can have become of communications which were fur- 
nished by such men, in so ample numbers. 

To the Registrar General Major Graham, and Dr. Farr of his office, I owe the 
means of obtaining copies of the Registers of Deaths of all places in the surround- 
ing Registration Districts in which Cholera occurred : personally also I must 
acknowledge the kindness with which their assistance was given. I may add, that 
wherever Government Officers give such friendly aid to individuals, as I have had 
from these gentlemen, from Lord Courtenay, Secretary to the Poor Law Board, 
from the late President of the Board of Health, and Mr. Scott of the same Office, 
they offer the best incentive to private persons to undertake useful and unpaid public 
work : and 1 believe the value of local undertakings of this nature, as furnishing 
data for more extended inquiries, will in return be acknowledged by those great 
Offices of State in the Metropolis, with the labours of which, no lesser works can 
ever compare or compete. 

The Members of the Oxford Board of Health who transacted its business in 1854, 
viz. Mr. Carr the Chairman, Mr. Alderman Butler the Secretary, Mr. Neate, of 
Oriel College, Messrs. Cartwright and Boddington, will be pleased to allow me 
to record my hearty thanks for their confidence and kindness, while I acted under 



INTRODUCTION. 



11 



them. Few Members of the University have more reason to acknowledge the 
value of the hearty cooperation of the Authorities of the City than I have. 

To the Medical Practitioners, who were engaged with me in aiding the Guardians 
in their responsible duties, the Board of Health would, I feel sure, wish to express 
a grateful sense of their unremitting labours. It would not become me to do this ; 
but I may say, on my own behalf, that I never can forget that the Gentlemen, 
whose names are here recorded, by their undeviating personal kindness and for- 
bearance, as well as by their energy, made it possible to me to assist in carrying out 
the wishes of the Board, in aid of the Union Surgeon, Mr. G. R. Wyatt, and have 
placed within my reach many of the data on which this Memoir is founded. Our 
common service was the more difficult, because in the previous Epidemics the 
authority and counsel of the chief residents of the University, and the principal 
persons in the City, were brought to bear in whatever was done or attempted ; and 
an unfortunate disagreement between the Guardians and the Board of Health in 
1849, had left a doubt as to the spirit in which the conduct of another Epidemic 
would be attempted. To the following Oxford Practitioners therefore are my sincere 
thanks returned. 



R. Giles, Esq. M.D. (Edinburgh.) 

J. Godfrey, Esq. 

J. Hester, jun., Esq. 

G. C. H. Hitchings, Esq. 

J. M. Hyde, Esq. 

W. Leapingwell, Esq. M.D. (Edinburgh. 

J. Martin, Esq. 

E. R. Owen, Esq. 

W. Rusher, Esq. 

J. Taunton, Esq. 

T. Tyerman, Esq. 
J. Briscoe, Esq. C. J. Vincent, Esq. 

W. Doak, Esq. J. F. Wood, Esq., Surgeon to the County Gaol. 

R. F. Freeborn, Esq. 

To the following Gentlemen I am much indebted for various inquiries and com- 
munications concerning their respective neighbourhoods. Without their help, the 
information concerning the District round Oxford would have been unattainable. 



R. Jackson, Esq. M. D., (Oxon.,J Physician to 

the Radcliffe Infirmary. 
J. T. Hester, Esq., Surgeon to the RadclirFe 

Infirmary. 

E. L. Hussey, Esq., Surgeon to the Radcliffe 

Infirmary. 
R. J. Hansard, Esq., Surgeon to the Radcliffe 
Infirmary. 

F. Symonds, Esq., Surgeon to the Radcliffe 

Infirmary. 



A. Batt, Esq., Witney. 

E. Batt, Esq., Witney. 

W. R. H. Barker, Esq., Wantage. 

W. C. Byass, Esq., Dorchester. 

T. Chesterman, Esq., Banbury. 

C. Cogan, Esq., Wheatley. 

J. Denne, Esq., Winslow. 



W. P. Douglas, Esq., Banbury. 
J. W. Kimfton, Esq., Stadhampton. 
W. Lightfoot, Esq., Harwell. 
J. F. Martin, Esq., Abingdon. 
H. T. T. Palmer, Esq., Woodstock. 
H. W. Reynolds, Esq., Thame. 
W. G. Walker, Esq., Brill. 



12 INTRODUCTION. 

The valuable pages of my esteemed colleague Mr. Johnson, and the letter from 
Professor Voelcker, speak for themselves. Mr. Lawes, and my learned friend 
Professor Donkin, have also kindly given me their advice. 

Four of the Maps which illustrate this Memoir were drawn by a Lady, who 
assisted me with the greatest energy and skill in the verification of every house in 
which Cholera occurred. The basis of the Map of Oxford is Hoggar's Survey. 

Much assistance has been derived from Dr. Greenhill's excellent Paper on the 
Cholera in Oxford in 1849, printed at the end of the Ashmolean Society's Reports 
on the Mortality and Public Health of Oxford in 1849 and 1850. The materials 
concerning the year 1832 and 1849, are derived from this source ; and the Tables 
relating to those years are reprinted from his Work, to facilitate the comparison 
with the year 1854. 

In a scientific sense, parts of the only attainable evidence of an inquiry like this 
are necessarily inconclusive : much of the useful business of life would come to an 
end, and the Physician would throw away many lives, if he could not, or would not, 
manfully act upon the greater probability. I am deeply sensible of the scientific 
and literary shortcomings of these pages; but I believe that even such a 
Memoir on every affected district, would prove of real service to the Country. 
Such Essays would accumulate a great amount of information, derived from 
negative considerations as well as positive facts, which would bring about much 
practical good to the people. 



PART I. 

HISTORY OF THE EPIDEMIC. 



CHAPTER I. 

Course of the Disease in Oxford. 

§.1. OXFORD has been thrice visited by a Cholera Epidemic : once in 1832, 
once in 1849, once in 1854. The history of the two first visitations has been 
already recorded*. It remains to pourtray the more important features of the 
Epidemic as it appeared in 1854. 

The following Memoir will be divided into three Parts. 

1st. A record of the mode of invasion, and of the course of the Epidemic, with 
an examination of those neighbouring districts in which death from Cholera 
took place at the same time of the year as at Oxford; the treatment adopted 

in Ovfnrd : n.rifl t.Vip. pirpumo+onoon «rl-n.-.U CT ^~™~4 *~ .~a Jl 



I„ Plate ?,, third line from the bottom, for "did spread," read » did not spread." 



time the Epidemic was almost at its height. No complete record had been attempted 
before this time ; but I have collected, I believe, all the Cases which had previously 
occurred. On and after the 10th all cases of Diarrhoea and Choleraic Diarrhoea and 
Cholera were reported to the Board, with but few exceptions, by all the Medical men 
engaged by it. A weekly return was also furnished at a later period by most of the 
Medical Practitioners. Their numerical daily Returns have been collated with these 
more detailed weekly Returns : where there is discrepancy, the excess is usually on 
the side of the daily Return furnished at the time : on the other hand, some cases 
have been detected that were not returned at the time, and these cases are entered 
at their proper date. The names and addresses of several cases of Choleraic Diar- 
rhoea cannot be recovered. The deaths recorded by the Medical Practitioners have 
been compared with the Registers in the several Districts. With all the care then 
that was possible, the following Table has been constructed. It records the date, 
age, sex, residence, result and date of result, of each case of Cholera and Choleraic 
Diarrhoea, and the occupation of the greater number is appended. 

* Memorials of the Malignant Cholera in Oxford, 1S32, by the Rev. V. Thomas. — Report on the Mortality 
and Public Health of Oxford in 1849, '50, by Dr. Greenhill and Mr. Allen. See also Appendix. 

B 



12 INTRODUCTION. 

The valuable pages of my esteemed colleague Mr. Johnson, and the letter from 
Professor Voelckeb, speak for themselves. Mr. Lawes, and my learned friend 
Professor Donkin, have also kindly given me their advice. 

Four of the Maps which illustrate this Memoir were drawn by a Lady, who 
assisted me with the greatest energy and skill in the verification of every house in 
which Cholera occurred. The basis of the Map of Oxford is Hoggar's Survey. 

Much assistance has been derived from Dr. Greenhill's excellent Paper on the 
Cholera in Oxford in 1849, printed at the end of the Ashmolean Society's Reports 
on the Mortality and Public Health of Oxford in 1849 and 1850. The materials 
concerning the year 1832 and 1849, are derived from this source ; and the Tables 
relating to those years are reprinted from his Work, to facilitate the comparison 
with the year 1854. 



^ .. — — t .~~-.,. ( „ juuw, nuiwi ^uliivx uimg uijouL mucn 

practical good to the people. 



PART I. 

HISTORY OF THE EPIDEMIC. 



CHAPTER I. 
Course of the Disease in Oxford. 

§. 1. OXFORD has been thrice visited by a Cholera Epidemic : once in 1832, 
once in 1849, once in 1854. The history of the two first visitations has been 
already recorded*. It remains to pourtray the more important features of the 
Epidemic as it appeared in 1854. 

The following Memoir will be divided into three Parts. 

1st. A record of the mode of invasion, and of the course of the Epidemic, with 
an examination of those neighbouring districts in which death from Cholera 
took place at the same time of the year as at Oxford; the treatment adopted 
in Oxford ; and the circumstances which seemed to influence the progress of 
the malady. 

2nd. An account of the Sanitary Arrangements adopted in Oxford. 

3rd. Suggestions for the future ; or the Lesson of the Epidemic. 

It may not be amiss here to premise in what manner the information which fol- 
lows was obtained. The Sanitary condition of the City was under the care of the 
Board of Guardians. They appointed a Committee to act as a Board of Health. 
On the 6th of September the Board added the Writer to their number as Consulting 
Physician. On the 10th the necessary arrangements came into operation. At this 
time the Epidemic was almost at its height. No complete record had been attempted 
before this time ; but I have collected, I believe, all the Cases which had previously 
occurred. On and after the 10th all cases of Diarrhoea and Choleraic Diarrhoea and 
Cholera were reported to the Board, with but few exceptions, by all the Medical men 
engaged by it. A weekly return was also furnished at a later period by most of the 
Medical Practitioners. Their numerical daily Returns have been collated with these 
more detailed weekly Returns : where there is discrepancy, the excess is usually on 
the side of the daily Return furnished at the time : on the other hand, some cases 
have been detected that were not returned at the time, and these cases are entered 
at their proper date. The names and addresses of several cases of Choleraic Diar- 
rhoea cannot be recovered. The deaths recorded by the Medical Practitioners have 
been compared with the Registers in the several Districts. With all the care then 
that was possible, the following Table has been constructed. It records the date, 
age, sex, residence, result and date of result, of each case of Cholera and Choleraic 
Diarrhoea, and the occupation of the greater number is appended. 

* Memorials of the Malignant Cholera in Oxford, 1832, by the Rev. V. Thomas. — Report on the Mortality 
and Public Health of Oxford in 1849, '50, by Dr. Greenhill and Mr. Allen. See also Appendix. 

B 



14 



Table of Cases of Cholera and Choleraic Diarrhcea 



Cases. 


Date. 


Sex. 
M. or F. 


Age. 


Occupation. 


Residence. 


Result. 


Cholera, or 
Choi. Diarrh. 


1 


Aug. 6 


F 


32 


Butcher's wife 


Walton-road, St. Paul's 


Death in 10 hours 


C 




2 


12 


F 


45 


Charwoman 


Gas-street, St. Ebbe's 


Recovery * 


c 




3 


12 


M 


23 


Prisoner 


County gaol 


Recovery 




CD 


4 


15 


F 


8 


Carter's daughter 


Gas-street 


Death, Aug. 17 


c 




5 


19 


M 


50 


Prisoner 


County gaol 


Recovery, Sep. 24 




CD 


6 


29 


F 


34 


Tailor 


Gas- street 


Recovery, Sep. 5 


c 




7 


30 


M 


9 


Carter's son 


Gas-street 


Recovery, Sep. 4 


c 




8 


30 


M 


20 


Prisoner 


County gaol 


Recovery, Sep. 15 




CD 


9 


30 


F 


19 


Butcher'sdaughter 


Gas-street 


Recovery, Sep. 6 


c 




10 


30 


F 


4 


Soldier's daughter 


Gas-street 


Recovery, Sep. 6* 


c 




11 


30 


M 


40 


Labourer 


Gas-street 


Recovery 


c 




12 


30 


M 


30 


Railway Porter 


New Osney 


Recovery 




CD 


13 


31 


M 


3 


Shoemaker's son 


Blackfriars'-road, St. Ebbe's 


Death, Aug. 31 


c 




14 


Sep. 1 


F 


15mos. 


Labourer's daugh. 


Gas-street 


Recovery, Sep. 8* 


c 




15 


1 


F 


40 


Charwoman 


Mazey's-yard, St. Ebbe's 


Recovery, Sep. 14* 




CD 


Ifi 


1 


M 


72 


Labourer 


Sparks's Yard, St. Aldate's 


Death, Sep. 3 


c 




17 


o 


M 


49 


Pipemaker a 


Waterloo Build., Blackfr.-rd. 


Death, Sep. 4 


c 




18 


2 


M 


35 


Groom 


George's-yd., St. Clement's 


Recovery, Sep. 9 


c 




19 


o 


M 


32 


Shoemaker 


Church-street, St. Ebbe's 


Death, Sep. 5 


c 




20 


2 


M 


1 4 mos. 


t 


On the River 


Death, Sep. 2 


c 




21 


3 


F 


lu'mos. 


Shoemaker's dau. 


Blackfriars'-road 


Death, Sep. 3 


c 




22 


3 


F 


72 


Servant's wife 


Gas-street 


Death, Sep. 4 


c 




23 


4 


F 


63 


None 6 


High-st., St. Peter's in East 


Death, Sep. 4 




CD 


24 


4 


M 


43 


Fishmonger c 


Market-street, St. Michael's 


Death, Sep. 6 


c 




25 


4 


M 


48 


Milkman d 


Marston 


Recovery, Sep. 10 


c 




26 


4 


M 


42 


Architect 


St. Aldate-street 


Death, Sep. 4 


c 




27 


4 


M 


15 mos. 


Carpenter's son 


Godfrey's Row, St. Ebbe's 


Death, Sep. 6* 


c 




28 


4 


F 


19 


Tailor 


Gas-street 


Recovery, Sep. 6* 


c 




29 


5 


M 


69 


Tailor 


Church-street, St. Ebbe's 


Death, Sep. 7 




CD 


30 


5 


M 


5 mos. 


Laundress's son e 


Near the Church, St. Giles's 


Death, Sep. 8 




CD 


31 


5 


F 


45 


Washerwoman 


Friar's Entry, S.MaryMagd. 


Recovery, Sep. 7 




CD 


32 


5 


F 


38 


Prisoner 


County gaol 


Death, Sep. 19 




CD 


33 


5 


F 


40 


Labourer's wife 


Jericho Gardens, St. Paul's 


Death, Sep. 13 


c 




34 


6 


M 


60 


Boatman 


Hythe Bridge, St. Thomas 


Death, Sep. 7* 


c 




35 


6 


F 


20 


Labourer's wife 


Mazey's-yard 


Recovery, Sep. 9 


c 




36 


6 


F 


21 


Washerwoman 


Blackfriars'-road 


Recovery, Oct. 4* 


c 




37 


6 


F 


4 


Labourer's daugh. 


Park-End-street, St. Thomas 


Death, Sep. 6 


c 




38 


6 


M 


34 


Labourer 


Park-End-street 


Death, Sep. 6 


c 




39 


7 


F 


55 


Policeman's wife 


Gas-street 


Death, Sep. 8 


c 




40 


7 


M 


33 


Coal merchant/ 


Hythe Bridge 


Recovery, Sep. 21 


c 




41 


7 


M 


56 


Surgeon g 


St. Clement's Alms-house 


Death, Sep. 9 


c 




42 


7 


F 


36 




St. Giles's Road West 


Recovery, Sep. 18 




CD 


43 


7 


JM 


50 


Mason 


Friar's Wharf, St. Ebbe's 


Recovery, Sep. 14 




CD 


44 


7 


F 


28 


Waiter 


Cornmarket-street 


Recovery, Sep. 17 


c 




45 


8 


F 


3 mos. 




Bath-street, St. Clement's 


Death, Sep. 13 




CD 


46 


8 


F 


36 


Labourer's wife 


Park-End-street 


Death, Sep. 8 


c 






* All Cases marked * are those of persons removec 


from their residence to the Hospital or the Field of Observation. 






f In some Cases it has been impossible, in some un 


desirable, to state the Occupation or Profession. 






a " Died of Consecutive Fever." 




d Attacked in New College-street. 






b In great debility for years — very poor — in war 


t of 


e Had had neglected Diarrhcea for four days. 




c 


ommon necessaries — ill for about twelve hours. 




/ " Had retention of urine for five days— followed 


by 




c Reduced by previous ilJness and distress. B 


ouse 


Gastritis." 




c 


ffensive from bad drainage. 




g Had severe premonitory Diarrhcea for several day 


l. 



in the order of their occurrence. 



15 



Cases. 


Date. 


Sex. 
M. or F. 


Age. 


47 


Sep. 8 


M 


2 


48 


8 


F 


21 


49 


8 


M 


24 1 


50 


8 


M 


48 


51 


8 


M 


5 


52 


8 


M 


34 


53 


8 


M 


8 


54 


S 


M 


5 


55 


8 


F 


35 


56 


8 


F 


30 


57 


9 


M 


30 


58 


9 


M 


10 


59 


9 


M 


38 


60 


9 


F 


18 


61 


9 


M 


40 


62 


9 


F 


50 


63 


9 


M 


4 


64 


9 


F 


21 


65 


9 


F 


54 


66 


9 


M 


5 mos. 


67 


9 


M 


40 


68 


10 


F 


70 


69 


10 


M 


60 


70 


10 


M 


9 


71 


10 


SI 


28 


72 


10 


M 


9 


73 


10 


F 


2 


74 


10 


F 


40 


75 


10 


M 


50 


76 


10 


F 


40 


77 


10 


M 


25 


78 


11 


F 


35 


79 


11 


F 


3 


80 


11 


M 


11 


81 


11 


F 


35 


82 


11 


M 


7 


83 


11 


M 


52 


84 


11 


F 


30 


85 


11 


M 


52 


86 


11 


M 


28 


87 


11 


M 


42 


88 


12 


M 


45 


89 


12 


F 


39 


90 


12 


F 


49 


91 


12 


F 


37 



Occupation. 



Labourer's son 
Labourer's wife h 
Tailor i 
Hawker 
Carter's son 
Labourer 
Labourer's son 
Labourer's son 
Tailor's wife 
Mason's wife k 
Labourer 
Plate-layer's son 
Accountant 
Labourer's daugh. 
Shopkeeper 
Washerwoman 
Labourer's son 
Needlewoman 
Prisoner 

Prisoner 

Tradesman's wife m 
Tradesman 
Labourer's son 
Brewer 

Shoemaker's son 
Labourer's daugh 



Labourer's wife 
Tailor 

Shopkeep. wife n 
Labourer's daugh. 
Labourer's son 

o 

P 

Publican 
Prostitute 
Printer 
Prisoner 
Labourer 
Soldier q 
Tax-collect, wife 
Grocer's wife 
Laundress s 



Park-End-street 

Castle-st., St. Ebbe's 

Seven Stars Inn, S.Aldate's 

Commercial-road, St. Ebbe's 

Gas- street 

Jericho Gardens 

Sparks's Yard 

Godfrey's Row 

White's Yard, Littlegate 

Osney Lane, St. Thomas 

New Osney 

New Osney 

Oriel-st., St. M. the Virgin 

Blackfriars'-road 

St. Ebbe's-street 

Portland-place, St. Paul's 

New Hincksey 

Iffley-road, St. Clement's 

County Gaol 

St. Giles's-street 

County Gaol 

New Osney 

New Osney 

New Osney 

Cherwell-st., St. Clement's 

Bridge-st., St. Ebbe's 

Fisher-row, St. Thomas 

County Gaol 

County Gaol 

New Hincksey 

Floyd's-row, St. Aldate's 

High-street, All Saints 

New Osney 

New Hincksey 

St. John-st., St. M. Magd. 

High-st., St. Clement's 

Cornmarket-st., St. Michael's 

Should, of Mutt, -yd., S.Tho. 

Walton-road 

County Gaol 

New Hincksey 

High-st., St. Pet. in the East 

Union-place, St. Ebbe's 

Pollard's-yard, Queen-st. 

George's-yd., St. Clement's 



Recovery, Sep. 15* 
Death, Oct. 1 
Death, Sep. 8 
Death, Sep. 8 
Death, Sep. 10* 
Recovery, Sep. 14 
Recovery, Oct. 4* 
Recovery, Sep. 12 
Recovery, Sep. 15 
Death, Sep. 25 
Recovery, Sep. 17 
Death, Sep. 10 
Recovery, Oct. 29 
Recovery, Sep. 16 
Recovery, Sep. 14 
Recovery, Oct 20 
Death, Sep. 18* 
Recovery, Sep. 28 
Recovery, Sep. 20 
Death, Oct. 3 
Recovery, Sep. 24 
Death, Sep. 1 1 
Death, Sep. 11 
Recovery, Sep. 23 
Recovery, Sep. 20 
Recovery, Sep. 1 5 * 
Death, Sep. 12 
Recovery, Sep. 20 
Recovery, Sep. 21 
Recovery, Sep. 1 6 
Recovcry,Sep.l8* 
Death, Sep. 13 
Recovery, Sep. 25 
Death, Sep. 20* 
Death, Sep. 23 
Recovery, Sep. 20 
Death, Sep. 13 
Recovery, Oct. 7 
Recovery, Sep. 15 
Recovery, Sep. 28 
Recovery, Sep. 26 
Death, Sep. 13 
Death, Sep. 12 
Death, Sep. 15 
Death, Sep. 13 



Cholera, or 
Chol.Diarrh. 



CD 



CD 
CD 
CD 



CD 
CD 
CD 
CD 



CD 
CD 
CD 



h Delivered of a still born child rive days after she was 
attacked by Cholera. 

i " Understanding" {as he said) " that just now we 
should look after the bowels," he took on the evening of 
the 7th two "antibilious pills." At 10 a. m. on the 8th 
he was in complete Collapse, and died in a few hours. 

k Recovered from Collapse, but died a week afterwards 
" from Gastritis." 

m Had come to New Osney, with her husband, on a 
visit, the day before they were attacked. No premoni- 
tory symptoms. [son's plan. 

n Treated with castor oil on a modification of John- 



o Profuse and neglected Diarrhoea for IS hours — Col- 
lapse — rice-water evacuations. — Consecutive Fever — All 
but convalescent — took an over-dose of castor oil — The 
symptoms returned — Collapse — Death 12 days after the 
commencement. 

p Treated with castor oil. 

q Had Diarrhoea on the 10th — recovered on the 11th. 
— On the 12th dined on pig's liver and a pint of rum — 
died delirious on the 13th. 

a 111 for about three weeks — much better till prema- 
ture labour came on — then Collapse and death in a few- 
hours. 

b a 



16 



Table of Cases of Cholera and Choleraic Diarrhoea 



Cases. 


Date. 


Sex. 
M. or F. 


Age. 


Occupation. 


Residence. 


Result. 


Cholera, or 
Chol.Diarrh. 


92 ! 


5ep.l2 


M 


77 


Tailor 


Dragon-yard, St. Aldate's 


Death, Sep. 16 




CD 


93 


12 


F 


40 


Servant 


Broad-street 


Recovery, Sep. 24 




CD 


94 


13 


F 


72 


Lodg.-house keep. 


Castle-street, St. Ebbe's 


Death, Sep. 15 


c 




95 


13 


M 


25 


Labourer 


Gas-street 


Recovery, Sep. 18 


c 




96 


13 


F 


20 


Wardour's daugh. 


Blackfriars'-road 


Recovery, Sep. 27 


c 




97 


13 


F 


7 


Charwom. dau. r 


Pollard's-yard 


Death, Sep. 13 


c 




98 


13 


HI 


39 


Saddler 


Cornmarket-st., St. Michael's 


Recovery, Sep. 15 




CD 


99 


14 


M 


2 




Workhouse 


Death, Sep. 16 


c 




100 


14 


F 


40 


Labourer's wife 


Orpwood's-row, St. Thomas 


Death, Sep. 15* 


c 




101 


14 


M 


45 


Prisoner t 


County Gaol 


Death, Sep. 15 


c 




102 


14 


M 


16 


Drummer 


Sparks's-yard 


Recovery, Sep. 22 


c 




103 


14 


M 


33 


Shopkeeper 


Sparks's-yard 


Recovery, Sep. 30 


c 




104 


14 


F 


10 


Grocer's daugh. u 


Pollard's-yard 


Death, Sep. 14 


c 




105 


14 


F 


53 


Washerwoman 


Cardigan-street, St. Paul's 


Recovery, Sep. 19 




CD 


106 


14 


M 


15 


Labourer's son 


Sparks's-yard 


Recovery 




CD 


107 


15 


M 


65 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Death, Sep. 15 


c 




108 


15 


F 


9 


Servant's daugh. 


Pollard's-yard 


Death, Sep. 15* 


c 




109 


15 


F 


34 


Whitesm. wife x 


Tarry's-yd., St. Pet. in East 


Death, Sep. 15 


c 




110 


15 


F 


41 


Glazier's wife y 


High-st., St. Clement's 


Recovery, Sep. 25 


c 




111 


15 


F 


50 


"Washerwoman 


Nelson's-yd., St. Aldate's 


Recov. in 5 weeks 




CD 


112 


16 


F 


30 


Labourer's wife 


Sparks's-yard 


Recovery, Sep. 24 


c 




113 


16 


F 


3 


Ostler's daughter 


Carter's-yd., All Saints 


Death, Sep. 16 


c 




114 


16 


F 


38 


Mason's wife z 


Friars' Wharf, St. Ebbe's 


Death, Sep. 23 


c 




115 


16 


M 


15 


Brewer's son 


Cherwell- street 


Death, Sep. 16 


c 




116 


16 


M 


29 


Labourer a 


Wyatt's-yd., St. Aldate's 


Death, Sep. 16 


c 




117 


16 


M 


50 


Debtor 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Sep. 24 




CD | 


118 


16 


M 


18 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Sep. 19 




CD 


119 


16 


M 


52 


Labourer 


Bridewell-yd., Speedwell-st. 


Recovery, Sep. 20 




CD 


120 


16 


M 


32 


In the Brewery 


Cherwell-street 


Recovery, Sep. 25 




CD 


121 


16 


F 


30 


Labourer's wife 


Cherwell-street 


Recovery, Sep. 20 




CD 


122 


17 


M 


30 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Recovery 


c 




123 


17 


F 


55 


Charwoman 


Blackfriars'-road 


Death, Sep. 1 7 


c 




124 


17 


M 


48 


Labourer b 


Church-st., St. Ebbe's 


Death, Sep. 22* 


c 




125 


17 


F 


52 


Landlady- 


Shoulder of Mutton-yard 


Recovery, Sep. 23 


c 




126 


17 


F 


42 


Labourer's wife c 


Wyatt's-yard 


Death, Sep. 17 


c 




127 


17 


M 


9 


Labourer's son d 


New Hincksey 


Death, Sep. 19 


c 




128 


17 


F 


58 


Labourer's wife 


Carter's-yd., St. Aldate's 


Recovery, Oct. 14 


c 




129 


17 


M 


5 


Lacemaker's son 


Hollybush-row, S. Thomas 


Recovery, Sep. 23* 


c 




130 


17 


M 


18 


Servant 


Littlegate 


Recovery, Sep. 21 




CD 


131 


17 


M 


36 


Railway Inspector 


New Osney 


Recovery, Sep. 30 




CD 


132 


18 


F 


52 


Labourer's wife e 


New Hincksey 


Death, Sep. 19 


c 




133 


18 


F 


8 


Labourer's daugh. 


New Hincksey 


Recovery, Sep. 22 


c 




134 


18 


F 


38 


Labourer's wife 


Osney Lane 


Death, Sep. 18 


c 




135 


18 


M 


28 


Bricklayer 


Pollard's-yard 


Recovery, Sep. 28 




CD 


136 


18 


M 


42 


Labourer 


Park-End-street 


Recovery, Sep. 25 




CD 


137 


18 


F 


27 


Washerwoman 


Buckland's-row, Queen-st. 


Recovery 




CD 


138 


18 


M 


45 


Publican 


Cornmarket-st., St. Martin's 


Recovery, Sep. 28 




CD 




r No premonitory sympto 


us. Death in nine hours. 


— is believed to have made no water during the se\ 


en 




t Premonitory Diarrhcea 


—death ten hours after the 


daj's of illness. 






ymptoms of Cholera appear 


ed. 


a No premonitory symptoms — extreme collapse — del 


ith 




u No premonitory sympto 


ais — death in twelve and half 


in fifteen hours. 






lours. 




6 " Iialf-starved." 






x House filthy and close. 




c Previous Diarrhcea for " a day or two." Death 


in 




y Treated with castor oil 


on a modification of John- 


less than 12 hours from the commencement of Collapse 






son's plan. 




d Ill-fed and clothed — llouse dirty. 






z Recovered from Collapse 


1 — sank in Consecutive Fever 


e " The family without necessaries." 





in the order of their occurrence. 



17 



Cases. 


Date. 


Sex. 
M. or P. 


Age. 


Occupation. 


Residence. 


Eesult. 


Cholera, or 
Choi. Diarrh. 


139 


Sep. 18 


M 


40 


Bookseller 


St. Aldate-st., St. Martin's 


Recovery, Sep. 25 




CD 


140 


18 


M 


62 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Sep. 30 




CD 


141 


19 


F 


24 


Sweep's wife 


Buckland's-yd., S. P. Ie Bail. 


Recov. in a fortn. 


C 




142 


19 


M 


47 


Paviour / 


Floyd's-row, St. Aldate's 


Death, Sep. 19 


C 




143 


19 


F 


35 


Gardener's wife 


Hunt's Build., Blackfr.-rd. 


Recovery, Sep. 24 


c 




144 


19 


M 


3J 


Labourer's son 


Caroline-st., St. Clem. 


Recovery, Sep. 26 




CD 


145 


19 


F 


52 


Needlewoman 


King-st., St. Pet. in the East 


Recovery, Sep. 23 




CD 


146 


20 


M 


68 


Shoemaker 


Carter's-yard, All Saints 


Recovery, Oct. 7 


c 




147 


20 


F 


33 


Charwoman g 


Bath-st., St. Clement's 


Death, Sep. 26 


c 




148 


20 


F 


34 


Labourer's wife h 


New Hincksey 


Death, Sep. 29* 


c 




149 


20 


F 


50 


Horsedealer's wife 


Brewer's-street., St. Aldate's 


Death, Sep. 23 


c 




150 


20 


M 


76 


Labourer 


Workhouse 


Death, Sep. 22* 


c 




151 


20 


F 


50 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Sep. 29 




CD 


152 


20 


M 


30 


Porter 


Church-st., St. Ebbe's 


Recovery, Sep. 22 




CD 


153 


20 


F 


1 


Servant's daugh. 


Workhouse 


Death, Oct. 2 




CD 


154 


20 


F 


9 


Labourer's daugh. 


Bath-street 


Recovery, Sep. 27* 




CD 


155 


20 


M 


6 


Labourer's son 


Bath-street 


Recovery, Sep. 23* 




CD 


156 


20 


M 


11 


Labourer's son 


English's-yard, St. Aldate's 


Recovery, Sep. 28 




CD 


157 


20 


M 


16 


Labourer's son 


English's-yard 


Recovery 




CD 


158 


20 


F 


45 


Widow 


English's-yard 


Recovery 




CD 


159 


20 


F 


40 


Stableman's wife 


English's-yard 


Recovery 




CD 


160 


21 


F 


12 


Labourer's daugh. 


Corbett's-yard, St. Thos. 


Recovery, Sep. 28 


c 




161 


21 


M 


3 


Labourer's son 


Bath-street 


Death, Sep. 23* 


c 




162 


21 


F 


1 


Ostler's daugh. 


Carter's-yard, All Saints 


Death, Sep. 21* 


c 




163 


21 


F 


3* 


Labourer's daugh. i 


Wyatt's-yard 


Death, Sep. 22 


c 




164 


21 


HI 


11 


Labourer's son 


New Hincksey 


Recovery, Sep. 24 




CD 


165 


21 


M 


30 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Oct. 2 




CD 


166 


21 


F 


23 


Prostitute 


Shoulder of Mutton-yard 


Recovery, Sep. 29 




CD 


167 


22 


F 


50 


Paviour's wife 


Thames'-st., New Hincksey 


Death, Sep. 23 


c 




168 


22 


F 


5 mos. 


Labourer's daugh. 


Wyatt's-yard 


Recovery, Sep. 26 


c 




169 


22 


M 


5 


Hop-picker 


Stean's-yd., St. Thomas 


Death, Sep. 23 


c 




170 


22 


F 


24 


Carpenter's wife 


Thames'-street 


Death, Sep. 23 


c 




171 


22 


F 


5 


Labourer's daugh. 


Wyatt's-yard 


Death, Sep. 25* 


c 




172 


22 


F 


9 


Labourer's daugh. 


Godfrey's-yd., St. Ebbe's 


Death, Sep. 24* 


c 




173 


22 


F 


5 


Printer's daugh. 


Turle-street, All Saints 


Death, Sep. 23 


c 




174 


22 


F 


25 


Carpenter's wife k 


New-street, St. Ebbe's 


Death, Sep. 23 


c 




175 


22 


M 


28 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Oct. 1 




CD 


176 


22 


M 


24 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Oct. 1 




CD 


177 


22 


F 


40 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Sep. 28 




CD 


178 


22 


F 


34 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Sep. 29 




CD 


179 


22 


F 


50 


Prisoner I 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Sep. 28 




CD 


180 


23 


M 


2 


Labourer's son 


Workhouse 


Death, Sep. 25 


c 




181 


23 


M 


17 mos. 




Billing' s-yard, St. Thomas 


Death, Sep. 24 


c 




182 


23 


F 


50 


Plasterer's wife 


Blackfriars'-road 


Recovery, Oct. 7 


c 




183 


23 


F 


10 


Stable-keep. dau. 


Friars' Wharf 


Recovery, Oct. 7 


c 




184 


23 


M 


28 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Sep. 30 




CD 


185 


23 


F 


55 


Builder's wife 


Cowley-road, St. Clement's 


Recovery, Oct. 7 




CD 


186 


23 


M 


2 


Carpenter's son m 


New-street, St. Ebbe's 


Death, Sep. 23 




CD 


187 


24 


M 


13 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Death, Sep. 25 


c 






/ Diarrhoea for oi 


ie day. Death in thirteen hours after 


h " Without food for 


two days." 




c 


ramps and Collaps 


i came on. 


i Diarrhoea came on i 


t midnight. Symptoms of CI 


0- 




g On the 10th s 


ie was convalescent from Choleraic 


lera at 5 a. m. Death a 


t 10 P.M. 




I 


>iarrhoea, and was 


desired to keep at home. She went 


ft A very severe case. 


She had nursed a fatal Cliolc 


ra 


c 


ut, and on the 2( 


th had Collapse, rice-water evacua- 


case. 






t 


ons, suppression 


3f urine. Death from Consecutive 


1 Nad neglected Diarr 


icea for 36 hours. 




] 


^ever on the 26th. 


She was under the influence of Mer- 


m Slight premonitory 


Diarrhtea. Collapse for eig 


ht 


c 


ury when seized w 


th Cholera. 


and a half hours. 







18 



Table of Cases of Cholera and Choleraic Diarrhoea 



Cases. 


Date. 


Sex. 
M. or F. 


Age. 


Occupation. 


Residence. 


Result. 


Cholera, or 
Choi. Diarrh. 


188 


Sep.24 


F 


11 


Servant 


Paradise-square, St. Ebbe's 


Recovery * 


C 




189 


24 


F 


45 


Laundres3 


High-st., St. Thomas's 


Death, Sep. 24 


C 




190 


24 


F 


31 


Servant 


Queen-st., St. P. le Bailey 


Death, Oct. 3 




CD 


191 


24 


M 


40 


Brewer 


Hythe-bridge 


Recovery, Oct. 5 




CD 


192 


24 


M 


36 


Labourer 


George-st., St. Clem. 


Recovery, Oct. 4 




CD 


193 


25 


M 


56 


Labourer 


Green's-yd., St. Thomas's 


Recovery, Oct. 9 


c 




191 


25 


M 


44 


Chair-maker 


Caroline-street 


Recovery, Oct. 18 


c 




195 


25 


M 


30 


Porter 


Hollybush-row 


Recovery, Oct. 3 




CD 


196 


25 


F 


45 


Stable-keep, wife 


Friars' Wharf 


Recovery, Sep. 30 




CD 


197 


26 


M 


66 


Schoolmaster n 


Speedwell-st., St. Ebbe's 


Death, Sep. 27 


C 




198 


26 


F 


24 


Labourer's wife 


Fisher-row 


Recovery, Oct. 10 


c 




199 


26 


F 


34 


Labourer's wife 


Osney-lane 


Recovery,Nov. 1 5 * 


C 




200 


26 


F 


59 


Shoemaker's wife 


York-place, St. Clement's 


Recovery 




CD 


201 


26 


F 


55 


Nurse 


St. Aldate's-st. 


Recovery, Oct. 6 




CD 


202 


27 


F 


27 


Labourer's wife 


Orpwood's-yd., St. Thos. 


Death, Sep. 27 


C 




203 


27 


F 


19 


Nurse 


Billing's-yard 


Death, Sep. 28 


C 




204 


27 


M 


21 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Oct. 4 




CD 


205 


27 


F 


20 


Builder's daugh. 


Cowley-road 


Recovery, Oct. 7 


CD 


206 


27 


F 


26 


Engine-driv. wife 


Church-lane, St. Thos. 


Recovery, Oct. 1 


CD 


207 


27 


M 


36 


Prisoner o 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Oct. 2 j 


CD 


208 


28 


F 


68 




Coach & Hors.-yd., Qu.-st. 


Recovery, Oct. 6 . 


CD 


209 


28 


F 


60 


College servant 


Magdalen-street 


Recovery, Oct. 6 


CD 


210 


28 


F 


65 


Fisherman's wife 


Coach & Horses-yard 


Recovery, Oct. 10 


CD 


211 


29 


F 


52 


Housekeeper 


St. Aldate's-st. 


Death, Oct. 3 C 




212 


29 


M 


18 


Prisoner p 


County Gaol 


Death, Sep. 29 C 




213 


29 


M 


2 


Labourer's son q 


Faulkner's-row, St. Thos. 


Death, Sep. 29 C 




214 


29 


F 


4 


Tailor's daugh. 


Stean's-yard 


Death, Sep. 29 , C 




215 


29 


F 


40 


Nurse 


Welliugton-st., St. Paul's 


Recovery, Oct. 3 i 


CD 


216 


29 


M 


68 


Shopkeeper 


Cherwell-terracc, St. Clem. 


Death, Oct. 1 1 


CD 


217 


29 


F 


32 


Servant 


King-st., St. Pet. in the East 


Recovery, Oct. 8 1 


CD 


218 


29 


M 


40 


Labourer 


Shepherd's-row, St. Aldate's 


Recovery, Oct. 6 




CD 


219 


29 


F 


9 




LongWall-pl., St.Pet. inEast 


Recovery, Oct. 6 




CD 


220 


29 


F 


65 


Labourer's wife 


English' s-yard 


Recovery, Oct. 8 




CD 


221 


29 


M 


57 


Labourer 


English's-yard 


Recovery 




CD 


222 


30 


F 


7 


Groom's daugh. 


Friars' Wharf 


Recoveryin aweek 


c 




223 


30 


F 


42 


Labourer's wife 


School-yard 


Recovery 


c 




224 


30 


F 


60 


Labourer's wife 


Mazey' s-yard 


Death, Oct. 6 


c 




225 


30 


M 


14 mos. 


Labourer's son 


Osney-lane 


Death, Oct. 2 


c 




226 


30 


W 


17 


Mercer's assistant 


Magdalen-st. 


Recovery, Oct. 4 




CD 


227 


30 


F 


24 


Tailor's wife 


Floyd's-row 


Recoveryin aweek 


c 




228 


Oct. 1 


M 


17 


Butcher 


Vaughan's-yd., St. Thos. 


Recovery, Oct. 7 


c 




229 




F 


62 


Labourer's wife 


Wellington-street 


Death, Oct. 1 


c 




230 




M 


13 


Laundress's son 


Corbett' s-yard 


Recovery, Oct. 9* 


c 




231 




F 


10 


Labourer's daugb. 


Green' s-yard 


Death, Oct. 2 


c 




232 




M 


1 


Bargeman's son 


Hythe-bridge 


Death, Oct. 2 


c 




233 




M 


13 


Printer's son 


Floyd's-row 


Death, Oct. 2 


c 




234 




M 


14 


Labourer's son 


Stean's-yard 


Recovery, Oct. 7 


c 




235 




M 


5 


Labourer's son 


Roberts's-yard, St. Thos. 


Recovery, Oct. 28 




CD 


236 




M 


4 


Butcher's son 


Ham el 


Recovery, Oct. 6* 




CD 


237 


2 


M 


12 


Labourer's son 


Wyatt's-yard 


Recovery, Oct. 2 


c 




238 


2 


M 


5 


Publican's son 


Hythe-bridge 


Recovery, Oct. 5 


c 






n Diarr 


hcea and 


sickness o 


a the 24th. Death 16 h 


ours 


p Was quite well and 


at work eleven hours before 


lis 


s 


iter Colla 


pse came 


on. 






death. 








Very 


severe ca 


se. Had 


been constipated for t 


iiree 


q Death in about tw 


3 hours from the commencemc 


nt 




ays, and 


took half 


an ounce 


of castor oil. 




of the attack. 







in the order of their occurrence. 



19 



Cases. 


Date. 


Sex. 
M. or F. 


Age. 


239 


Oct. 2 


M 


3 


240 


2 


M 


35 


241 


2 


M 


34 


242 


2 


M 


6 


243 


2 


M 


72 


244 


2 


M 


30 


245 


2 


M 


9 


246 


2 


F 


40 


247 


3 


M 


10 


24(3 


3 


M 


5 


249 


3 


F 


42 


250 


3 


M 


2 


251 


3 


F 


43 


252 


3 


F 


58 


253 


3 


M 


60 


254 


3 


F 


2i 


255 


3 


F 


7mos. 


256 


3 


F 


50 


257 


4 


F 


11 


258 


4 


M 


10 


259 


4 


M 


30 


260 


4 


M 


50 


261 


5 


M 


40 


262 


5 


F 


65 


263 


5 


M 


40 


264 


5 


F 


27 


265 


5 


F 


2 


266 


5 


F 


7 


267 


5 


F 


13 


268 


5 


F 


40 


269 


5 


F 


75 


270 


5 


F 


60 


271 


5 


M 


25 


272 


6 


M 


26 


273 


6 


F 


27 


274 


6 


F 


32 


275 


7 


F 


60 


276 


7 


F 


7 


277 


7 


M 


46 


278 


7 


F 


17 


279 


7 


F 


57 


280 


7 


F 


2 


281 


7 


F 


59 


282 


7 


M 


26 


283 


7 


F 


25 


284 


s 


F 


18mos. 


285 


8 


M 


56 


286 


9 


M 


60 


287 


9 


F 


n 


288 


10 


F 


58 


289 


11 


F 


77 


290 


11 


F 


23 



Occupation. 



Cutler's son 
Sawyer 
Painter 

Labourer's son 
Farrier 
Labourer 
Porter's son 
Labourer's wife 
Plasterer's son 
Fishdealer's son 
Butcber's wife 
Tailor's son 
Laundress 
Prisoner 
Labourer 
Labourer's dau. t 
Labourer's dau. s 
Washerwoman 
Laundress's dau. 
Cook's son 
Tradesman 
None 
Prisoner 
Labourer's wife 
Labourer 
Labourer's wife 
Cutler's daughter 

Labourer's daugh. 
Prisoner 

t 
Servant 
Painter 

Copper-pl. Printer 
Labourer's wife 
Publican 
Labourer's wife 
Carman's daugh. 
Carter 

Brazier's daughter 
Labourer's wife 
Plasterer's dau. u 
Laundress 
Traveller 
Traveller's wife 
Traveller's child 
Shoemaker 
Tailor 

Labourer's daugh. 
Gardener's wife 

oe 
Labourer's wife 



Paradise-street, St. Ebbe's 

Gas-street 

George-st, St. MaryMagd. 

Brewer-street, St. Ebbe's 

St Giles's-road West 

Shoulder of Mutton-yard 

Park-End-street 

Green' s-yard 

Ham el 

High-st., St. Thomas's 

Hamel 

Tredwell'sGard.,Speedw.-st. 

Bath-street 

County Gaol 

High-st., St. Thomas's 

Caroline-street 

Red-Lion-sq., St. M. Magd. 

Fisher-row 

Blay's-yard, St. Thos. 

Speedwell-terrace, St. Aldates 

High-st., St. Clement's 

Blenheim-place, St. Giles's 

County Gaol 

Osney-lane 

Mazey's-yard 

Osney-lane 

Paradise-street 

Parker's-square, St. Giles's 

Green's-yard 

County Gaol 

Caroline-street 

Church-street, St. Ebbe's 

George-street, St. M. Magd. 

George' s-yard 

Osney-lane 

Market-street 

Shepherd's -row 

Mazey's-yard 

Mazey's-yard 

Blay's-yard 

Hollybush-row 

Tawney's-yard, St. Thos. 

Cherwell-terrace 

Taken to the Field of 
Observation 

George-street, St. M. Magd 

Castle-st., St. Pet. le Bailey 

Caroline-street 

Lamb & Flag-yd., St. Thos. 

Bath-street 

Osney-lane 



Result. 



Death, Oct. 2 
Death, Oct. 21* 
Recovery, Oct. 5 
Recovery, Oct. 6 
Death, Oct. 3 
Recovery, Oct. 5 
Recovery, Oct. 16 
Recovery, Oct. 1 2* 
Death, Oct. 8 
Recovery, Oct. 6 
Recovery, Nov. 22 
Recovery, Oct. 1 7 it- 
Death, Oct. 3 
Recovery, Oct. 10 
Recovery, Oct. 4* 
Death, Oct. 10 
Death, Oct. 4 
Recovery, Oct. 12 
Death, Oct. 5 
Recovery, Oct. 1 1 
Recovery, Oct. 7 
Recovery, Oct. 13 
Recovery, Oct. 12 
Recovery, Oct. 19* 
Death, Oct. 6* 
Death, Oct. 13 
Recovery, Oct. 8 
Recovery 
Recovery, Oct. 12 
Recovery, Oct. 1 1 
Death, Oct. 6 
Recovery, Oct. 1 1 
Recovery, Oct. 14 
Death, Oct. 8 
Death, Oct. 8 
Recovery, Oct. 9 
Death, Oct. 8 
Death, Oct. 8* 
Recovery, Oct. 8 
Death, Oct. 9 
Recovery, Oct. 16 
Death, Oct. 11 
Recovery, Oct. 18 
Recovery, Oct. 9* 
Recovery, Oct. 9* 
Recovery, Oct. 9* 
Recovery, Oct. 14 
Recovery,Oct.ll* 
Recovery, Nov. 14 
Recoverv, Oct. 24 
Death, Oct. 11 
Death, Oct. 11 



Cholera, or 
Choi. Diarrh 



CD 

CD 



CD 
CD 
CD 
CD 
CD 



CD 
CD 



CD 
CD 
CD 
CD 



CD 



CD 
CD 
CD 
CD 
CD 
CD 
CD 
CD 



r Long ill — much neglected. 

s Diarrhoea for three weeks before Cholera came on. 

t Refused medicine. 



u Died from Hydrocephalus while recovering from 
Cholera. 
x Refused medicine. 



20 



Table of Cases of Cholera and Choleraic Diarrhoea, <SjC. 



Casi:s. 


Date. 


Sex. 
M. or F. 


Age. 


Occupation. 


Residence. 


Result. 


Cholera, or 
Chol.Diarrh. 


291 


Oct. 11 


M 


50 


Labourer 


Hamel 


Death, Oct. 12* 


C 




292 


11 


M 


13 


Labourer's son 


Caroline-street 


Recovery, Oct. 16 




CD 


293 


12 


F 


39 


Washerwoman 


Chureh-st., St. Ebbe's 


Recovery, Oct. 27* 


C 




294 


12 


M 


8 


Shopkeeper's son 


High-st., St. Clement's 


Death, Oct. 14* 


C 




295 


12 


F 


5j- 


Shopkeeper's dau. 


High-st., St. Clement's 


Recovery, Oct. 16 


c 




296 


12 


F 


50 


Traveller 


Hamel 


Death, Oct. 14 


c 




297 


12 


F 


47 


Laundress 


Ayres's-yard, St. Thos. 


Recovery, Oct. 26 




CD 


293 


12 


F 


89 




Near the Church, Holywell 


Recovery, Oct. 14 




CD 


299 


12 


F 


35 


Dressmaker 


Lamb & Flag-yard 


Recovery, Oct. 22 




CD 


300 


13 


F 


30 


Traveller 


Castle-st., St. Ebbe's 


Recovery, Oct. 17* 


c 




301 


13 


F 


32 


Hawker 


Orpwood's-yard 


Death, Oct. 17* 


c 




302 


13 


F 


29 


Needlewoman 


Castle-st., St. Pet. le Bailey 


Recovery, Oct. 1 7 




CD 


303 


13 


M 


14 


Printer's son 


Cardigan-st. 


Recovery, Oct. 21 




CD 


304 


14 


F 


50 


Carter's wife 


Mazers-yard 


Death, Oct. 14 


c 




305 


14 


F 


47 


Brazier's wife 


Blay's-yard 


Recovery, Oct. 28 


c 




306 


15 


F 


47 


Plasterer's wife 


Tawney's-yard 


Death, Oct. 16* 


c 




307 


16 


M 


4 


Sweep's son 


St. Ebbe's-street 


Recovery, Oct. 20 




CD 


308 


16 


F 


50 


Prisoner 


County Gaol 


Recovery, Oct. 22 




CD 


309 


17 


F 


3 


Shopkeeper's dau. 


High-st., St. Clement's 


Death, Oct. 18* 


c 




310 


17 


F 


45 


Labourer's wife 


Green's-yard 


Recovery, Oct. 30 




CD 


311 


18 


F 


35 


Tailor's wife y 


Turle-street 


Death, Oct. 18. 


c 




312 


18 


F 


2 


Painter's child z 


Friars'- street 


Recovery, Oct. 3 1 




CD 


313 


19 


M 


40 


Labourer 


Fisher-row 


Recovery, Oct. 26 




CD 


314 


20 


M 


21 


Shoemaker 


Hind's-yd., Blackfriars'-road 


Death, Oct. 20* 


c 




315 


20 


F 


30 


Labourer's wife 


Chenvell-street 


Death, Oct. 21* 


c 




316 


20 


F 


24 


Smock-frock mak. 


High-st., St. Thomas's 


Recovery, Oct. 29 




CD 


317 


30 


F 


2 


Shoemaker's dau. 


Bridport-street 


Death, Oct. 30 C 






y No pre 


monitory 


symptom 


s — Collapse — Death in eight hours from commencement. 


2 Death " from Fever." 





The foregoing Table records, as far as it was possible* to determine it, the order 

in which the cases of Cholera and Choleraic Diarrhoea followed each other; together 

with the mode in which each case terminated. It is not pretended that this Table 

is absolutely correct, but it is as nearly so as extreme care could ensure. It was 

found impossible to state in addition the duration of each case. This is of less 

moment, because the London Tables give statistics of the duration of the disease 

at all ages, founded upon data far more extensive than Oxford would furnish. A 

tabular statement such as is here placed before us, conveys more instruction than 

will at first strike the reader. From it may be deduced with tolerable accuracy 

the course and the severity of the Epidemic, both in respect of the number of the 

cases and intensity of the disease, and all the detailed consequences which may 

be deduced from these. It furnishes also the standard of comparison with Dr. 

Greenhill's summaries of the Cholera Epidemics as they prevailed in 1832 and in 

1849. These particulars will be elucidated in order by the aid of Maps 12 3 

and Tables 2 to 7, 

i 

* See Introduction, 



Plare,2. 



SKETCH MAP OF 

OXFORD, 

(To it/ujfrcrte Dr. Ac/arrct's Mem.oitJ 
showing 
THE PLACES AND THE ORDER 

IN WHIC« 

THE FIRST THIRTY CASES 

OF CHOLERA 

appeared /n 

1854. 




Invasion of the Disease. 21 

Localities of the first Thirty Gases. 

§. 2. First of all then let Plate 2, or the Sketch-Map of Oxford, be compared with 
the Table. It will be noticed that the first case occurred in Jericho at the north 
of the town, in a street called Walton Road ; the second at almost the extreme 
south, in the parish of St. Ebbe's, in Gas Street ; the third, fourth, fifth, sixth, 
seventh, eighth, in the same block of houses as the second : the ninth in the street 
next to that in which this block is situated: the tenth in the same block: the 
eleventh in a yard leading out of St. Aldate's, part of a main street which runs 
north and south through the whole length of the town : the twelfth in a yard close 
by the ninth : the thirteenth in the extreme east of the town, St. Clement's : the four- 
teenth in Church Street, St. Ebbe's : the fifteenth in a house-boat on the river : the 
sixteenth close to cases nine and twelve : the seventeenth near the block in Gas Street : 
the eighteenth in the highest and most central part of the town: the nineteenth victim 
was a countryman taken ill suddenly in the most open part of the City : the twen- 
tieth a professional gentleman, a casual visitor in St. Aldate's: the twenty-second, 
another case in the block in Gas Street : the twenty-third in the neighbourhood of 
the first case : the twenty-fourth, twenty-seventh, twenty-eighth, and thirtieth, 
were the first set in the poor district of St. Thomas's : the twenty-fifth was in St. 
Ebbe's, near Paradise Square ; while the twenty-sixth and twenty-ninth were in the 
neighbourhood of the great focus in Gas Street. 

As far as it is proper to surmise conclusions from these data, we are irresistibly 
led towards the supposition that Cholera may arise without communication with 
infected districts on the part of those attacked, but also that it does spread under 
some circumstances and in some localities from person to person. 

Physical Topography of the City. 

§.3. It is manifest, however, that these bald facts alone will not adequately 
elucidate the course of the Epidemic in Oxford. Since it has been shewn where 
it first arose, and what was the order of the succeeding twenty-nine cases, it will 
be the shortest and best course to take a general survey of the condition of the 
whole Town. For this purpose the Map which is placed at the beginning of the 
Memoir must be consulted. 

Oxford is for the most part built upon a peninsula formed by the junction of 
the Cherwell and Isis, which takes place at the south-east angle of Christ Church 
Meadow. Both rivers are subdivided into, or receive, before their union, various 
smaller streams, while parallel to, and close by, one branch of the Isis is the Oxford 
Canal. The distance from one river to the other at the north of the City is 
about a mile. They do not materially approximate until they have both passed in 
their southern course the latitude of the centre of the City. They then gradually 
curve round to meet at the point above named. The consequence of this is that 
there is a flat alluvial district to the east, the west and the south of the Town, 
through which the rivers with their lesser streams find their way. Unhappily, upon 



22 Physical Topography of Oxford. 

portions of this flat, within the circumference and round the margin of the peninsula, 
some parts of Oxford are built, namely, St. Thomas's, St. Ebbe's, and, imme- 
diately outside the Cherwell, St. Clement's. The remainder of the City is elevated 
mainly by the superposition of gravel upon the Oxford clay. The highest point of 
ground is at the four-cross way, where the great north and south line of traffic, 
St. Giles, Cornmarket, and St. Aldate's, intersects the High Street and Queen 
Street, which divide the Town, speaking generally, from north-west to south-east. 
This point is not quite fifty feet above the datum assumed by Mr. Hoggar, which 
gives the ordinary high-water mark above Folly Bridge, (the extreme south of the 
City,) as about 15 feet, and the ordinary water surface under Folly Bridge at 13 
feet. In other words, Carfax (the highest point of the City) is 37 feet above the 
average water under Folly Bridge *. 

Now a reference to the Map will shew that the first contour line includes an 
irregularly triangular space of no great extent round the Carfax summit. A 
contour line is given at every five feet of descent from the summit. The first line 
includes St. Martin's, a great part of St. Peter le Bailey, and All Saints 1 parishes, 
and a portion of St. Michael's ; and the reader will take notice that while the 
second contour line 10 feet below the summit, marked therefore 39.64, is distant 
from Carfax only the short space down St. Aldate's to Bear Lane, it includes on 
the northern side of the Town, the whole of St. Giles's Street, and the eastern and 
western St. Giles's Roads ; in fact, it may be seen to run on beyond the limits of 
the City northward, after comprising Broad Street, the whole of St. John's, 
Trinity, and Wadham, and the Parks. The centre and northern part of the Town 
is therefore the highest. St. Aldate's descends rapidly. The third contour level, 
34.64, passes through Christ Church north of Tom Gate ; the fourth south of it ; 
the fifth below Dr. Pocock's fig-tree ; the sixth south of the Christ Church stables. 
by the Trill Mill Stream. This last line is 62- feet above the average water sur- 
face at Folly Bridge. To pursue in thorough verbal detail the contour lines through 
all their sinuous course would be wholly unnecessary. It may be briefly stated, 
that the ground falls very rapidly from St. Peter le Bailey Church, at the west 
end of Queen Street, to Paradise Street, and that the High Street is bisected at 
All Saints' Church by the first contour line, at Oriel Lane by the second, at the 
Master of University's lodgings by the third, above King Street by the fourth, 
while the fifth, 111 feet above the water at Folly Bridge, bisects diagonally the 
Botanical Garden from east to west. 

Many words would be unnecessary, and a few will quite suffice to state what 
parts of the City are still, notwithstanding the continued attention for many years 

* Any one comparing these measurements with point A, as seen at Sandford Lock. In their 

the measurements given in the Sections pre- Report the same height, as Mr. Hoggar has 

pared by Mr. Macdougall Smith, under the di- calculated, is given for Carfax, namely, 37 feet. 

rection of Sir Wm. Cubitt, must bear in mind Carfax is marked therefore on one of SirW. C.'s 

that he assumes a datum 52.10" below the sections as 89 feet. 



Unhealthy parts of the City. 23 

of the working part of the Oxford Improvement Commissioners, either imperfectly 
drained, or wholly undrained. A general view of these may be best taken by 
those who care to know the present state of the case, by attention to the parts of 
the Map which are shaded green. The principal of these undrained portions will 
be seen to be (1st) between the first and second contour lines, in St. Peter le 
Bailey and St. Ebbe's : (2dly) between the second and third contour lines, in the 
same parishes and in St. Paul's district. Below these (3dly) the whole of St. Tho- 
mas's, St. Ebbe's, St. Aldate's, and St. Clement's, and (4thly) dispersed about the 
City, parts of St. Giles's, Holywell, St. Peter's in the East, and St. Mary Mag- 
dalen, are in the same category *. Outside the Town also should be noticed the 
unhappily placed New Osney to the west, and New Hincksey to the south. 

Of evils of a similar kind, but occupying less extended space, we have our share. 
To trouble the reader with them in detail must be certainly superfluous, the more 
because they have been already laid before those who are interested in them in 
various publications f : but still it seems worth while to present a general view of 
the spots which have been stigmatized by the careful investigators to whom I have 
referred, as either actually unhealthy, or as dangerous to health. And accord- 
ingly, having at various times verified the general correctness of their observations. 
I have inserted in the Map references to the principal spots to which they have 
drawn attention, in the following way. First of all, those parts of which they 
found occasion to complain, but which have since been remedied in respect of the 
particular ground of complaint, are indicated by dark rings, such as the two in 
Broad Street, which was described as undrained, whereas it now is drained. 
Secondly, those localities which have only been partly remedied are marked with a 
similar ring partly occupied by a dark wedge, as, for instance, in part of Church 
Street, St. Thomas's, and the wholly unremedied parts are marked by a dark disk, 
as may be seen at the north of the same street. Any person curious to investigate 
these in detail may tabulate for himself the several criticisms in the writings re- 
ferred to in the foot-note. So dismal a document has of course been constructed 
for the purposes of this Memoir, but to trouble the reader with it in print seems 
unnecessary. 

Nor need we indeed describe the exact sites of these evils ; some few will be 
found even at the summit of the City around Carfax. Others, but these have in 
most cases been remedied since the writer described them, between the first and 

* In the examination and determination of Condition of Oxford, in the Reports of the Ash- 
these several spots, and in detailed inquiries into molean Society. Secondly, in the Report on the 
various local engineering questions, I had the Mortality and Public Health of Oxford, pub- 
pleasure of much intercourse with Mr. Macdou- lished by the Ashmolean Society, and prepared 
gall Smith, and have received habitual assistance, by Dr. Greenhill and Mr. Allen. Thirdly, on 
at various times within the last ten years, from the Streets of Oxford, in valuable letters, by 
Mr. Selby of Oxford. Mr. Vincent, which appeared anonymously in 

f First, in the excellent paper of my much the Oxford Herald. And, fourthly, in various 

esteemed friend William Ormerod, on the Sanitary papers published by Mr. Rowell. 

C 2 



24 Tlie Foulness of the Rivers. 

the second contour lines ; but unquestionably the great mass will be found about 
George Lane, in St. Mary Magdalen, in St. Thomas's, St. Ebbe's, St. Aldate's, and 
St. Clement's. In other words, in the chief of those parts described as undrained. 

The Impurities of the Isis and tlie Cherwell. , 
§. 4. While the attention of the reader is still directed to these general questions 
relating to the condition of Oxford, as it was when the Cholera visited it in 1854, 
it is desirable that he should form for himself an estimate of the extent to which 
the Streams, as they pass through the town, are contaminated by sewage filth 
poured into them. Down the centre of each stream, so contaminated, is drawn a 
dark broken line, and the points where the greatest amount of contamination 
occurs, are marked by a dark triangle whose base rests on the points of the shore 
from which the sewage is poured. Accordingly it will be noticed that both the 
streams which pass through St. Thomas's are, before they enter the parish, con- 
taminated by sewers from other parts of the Town, receiving similar foul additions 
from the parish itself and the Gaol ; afterwards, before reaching the Water-works, 
various outpourings from St. Ebbe's enter the river. The stream called Trill Mill 
Stream, which passes through the north of St. Ebbe's and St. Aldate's, receives 
and contributes its quota of filth to mingle with the main branch of the Isis, as it 
flows in front of the walk in Christ Church Meadow, the favourite resort of the 
boating community of Oxford. To fence off the foul odours of this Trill Mill 
Stream or Pactolus from those who frequent these grounds for health and plea- 
sure, the Dean and Chapter of Christ Church several years since, munificently 
erected a substantial wall. The collected impurities which flow in the course that 
is now described are met at the mouth of the Cherwell by the refuse which that 
stream, pure in comparison before it reached the City, obtains from the drainage 
of parts of St. Mary Magdalen, Holywell, St. Peter in the East, together with the 
entire refuse of the district of St. Clement's. 

With this general knowledge of the condition of the City in respect of position, 
altitude expressed by the contour levels, relations to streams, drainage, contamina- 
tion of water, and other nuisances, we may now pass to the systematic survey of 
the progress of the Cholera, after it was once established by the thirty cases above 
enumerated (page 15.) When this survey has been completed, we shall be able to 
form some opinion of the relation between the Disease and the Physical Condition 
of the City. 

The Intensity of the Disease in successive periods of the Epidemic. 
§. 5. In tracing the progress of the Choleraic Disease through the people of 
Oxford, the Cholera of the true Asiatic type will be first considered, and after- 
wards the so called Choleraic Diarrhoea and the simple Diarrhoea will be briefly 
touched upon. The distinction which the Oxford Practitioners drew between these 
two forms of Disease will hereafter be more explicitly stated. First, then, the 
Cholera will be described in respect of Time, and, secondly, in respect of Place. 



The Periods of the Epidemic. 25 

Under the head of Time, the duration and the relative intensity of the Disease 
during the Epidemic will be considered. 

The total number of Cases of true Cholera was 194, or 7.33 per 1000 of the 
population. The Deaths were 115, or 4.34 per 1000. The Deaths were therefore 
in proportion to the Cases at the rate of 59.28 per cent. If we examine the rate 
at which the Epidemic spread by weeks, we shall find that whereas in the first 
three weeks there occurred but 3 cases of Cholera, in the succeeding three there 
were 83. In the three weeks that next followed 91 cases occurred. In the three 
succeeding, 16. In the thirteenth and last week, 1. It may be said therefore that 
the first and the last quarters of the Epidemic epoch were occupied by the onset 
and the decline of the Disease respectively, while the two intervening quarters 
shewed it at its maximum = the Epidemic lasting thirteen weeks*. Or, if we 
inquire into the ascent of the Disease up to the end of the sixth week, or the 
middle of the Epidemic, we shall find that there were 12 cases in the first week of 
the second quarter, 35 in the second, and 36 in the third. 

The Epidemic did not decline from this central point at the same rate as it 
increased, for the seventh week had 35 cases, and there were 37 in the ninth ; but 
then, in the tenth week the new cases fell to 11, nearly the same number as oc- 
curred in the fourth week. There were only 5 new cases in the eleventh, none in the 
twelfth, and 1 in the last. Any person desirous of calculating the intensity of the 
Epidemic in proportion to the population in each of these weeks can do so. But 
these and other facts may be readily seen in the Tables. If we inquire into 
what was the Mortality in proportion to the cases in each of the quarters, the fol- 
lowing may be noted. In the first quarter, of the 3 cases 2 were fatal. Of the 83 
cases in the second quarter of the Epidemic period, 48 died, or 57.8 per cent. In 
the third quarter, out of 91 cases, 52 died, or 57.1 per cent. And in the last 
quarter, of the 16 cases, 12 died, or 75 per cent. . and the only case which 
occurred in the last week died. From which it would appear, that, after the 3 first 
cases (of which 2 were fatal) in the first quarter, the number of cases increased 
greatly in the second quarter, slightly in the third, and greatly diminished in the 
last; the mortality in the third quarter was rather less than in the second, viz. 57.1 
and 57.8 per cent, respectively ; and the proportional fatality of the Disease mate- 
rially increased in the last quarter. 

Again, referring to the weeks it seems proper to notice that in the seventh week 
the deaths were in the proportion of 65.7 per cent., but in the eighth and ninth 
57.9 and 48.7 per cent, respectively of the persons attacked. In the small num- 
bers with which we are dealing, much stress must not be laid on such statistics. 
and yet they are noticeable. 

These facts are summed up in the following Tables, together with the corre- 
sponding facts in the two previous Epidemics. 

* It will be noticed that in the thirteenth week there was only one Case and one Death. This 
occurred in an infant. We are at liberty to ask whether this were genuine Cholera. If not, the 
Epidemic lasted only eleven weeks. 



TABLE II. 

Reported Cases and Deaths, from Choleraic Disease, in 



DISTRICTS. 


Aug. 12. 


Aug. 19. Aug. 26. 


Sep. 2. 


Sep. 9. 


Sep. 16. 


Sep. 23. 




Cases. 


Deaths. 


Cases. 


Deaths. B Cases. 


Deaths. 


Cases. 


Deaths. 


Cases. 


Deaths. 


Cases. 


Deaths. 


Cases. 


Deaths. 




CD 


C 


CD 


C 


CD 


C 


CD , C jcD 


C 


CD 


C 


CD 


C 


CD 


C 


CD 

3 


C 

3 


CD 

2 


c 
1 


CD 

2 


c 


CD 


C 


CD 


C 


CD 


c 




North. 
St. Paul . . 




1 




1 








-J" 
















Total 




1 




1 








J 
















3 


3 


2 


1 


o 


















West. 










.. 






l 








1 










9 




6 




7 




4 


3 


6 




3 




Central. 

St. Mary Magdalen 
St. Mary the Virgin 

St. Peter le Bailey 
St. Peter in the East 


































1 
1 


1 

I 
1 


1 


1 


1 

1 


2 

1 

1 
3 
2 




2 

1 

1 

3 
2 

9 


2 

2 
1 

5 


3 

1 

4 




2 
2 




Total 










..|.. 












..).. 








2 


3 


1 


1 


o 


9 




East. 
























l 


1 






1 


2 


1 


1 


o 


5 




2 


4 


2 




2 




South. 
St. Ebbe . . 




1 








1 




1 










1 


2 
9 




2 
3 


3 


3 
13 


1 


2 

7 


5 


4 

7 


1 


1 
4 


4 
3 


7 

7 


1 


5 

4 




Total 




1 








1 




1 








I 1 


11 




5 


3 


16 


1 


9 


5 


11 


1 


5 


7 


14 


1 


9 




ExTRAPAROCHIAL. 

County Gaol 


1 








1 
















1 








3 




1 




5 


2 

1 




2 
1 


9 
1 


1 
2 


1 


2 




Total 


1 








1 














jl 








3 




1 




5 


3 




3 


10 


3 


1 


2 




Strangers ill in street. 
New Hincksey 




































1 
1 




1 


2 


1 




1 


1 


6 


.. s 









TABLE II. 

the different Parishes in the weeks ending Saturday, 





Sep. 30. 


Oct. 7- 


Oct. 14. 


Oct. 21. 


Oct. 28. Nov. 4. 




TOTAL. 




Cases. Deaths. 


Cases. 


Deaths. 


Cases. 


Deaths. 


Cases. 


Deaths. 


Cases. 


Deaths. 


Cases. 


Deaths. 


Cases, 


Deaths. 




CD 


C 


CD 


c 


CD 


c 


CD 


c 


CD 


c 


CD 


C 


CD 


C 


CD 


C 


CD 


C 


CD 


C 


CD 


c 


CD C 




CD 


c 


CD 


c 


















































North. 




















1 


2 




1 


































St. Giles . . 


4 


2 





1 




1 










1 




1 


1 
































St. Paul . . 


4 


5 





3 




1 








1 


3 




2 


1 




























..| .. 


Total 


8 


7 


2 


4 














































•• 


West. 












3 


9 





G 


6 


18 





8 


3 


5 




4 


3 


1 




1 








| 






St. Thomas 


19 


55 





32 
































1 


Central. 






































1 




1 
















All Saints' 





6 





5 




















1 
































Holywell 
St. Martin 


1 
2 



1 












2 








2 
1 


1 


1 




1 
































St. Mary Magdalen 
St. Mary the Virgin 
St. Michael . . 


7 



2 


2 
1 
2 


1 




1 

2 




3 




1 












2 


1 






























St. Peter le Bailey 


7 


5 


1 


3 




2 
















































St. Peter in the East 


4 
23 


2 
19 


1 
3 


2 
13 




7 




1 




3 


1 


I 




4 


1 








1 




1 














"I- 


Total 




















































East. 












4 


1 


1 




4 


2 


2 


2 





3 




2 




2 




2 


















St. Clement 


17 


18 


4 


11 










































j 








South. 












4 


3 




1 




4 




2 
































St. Aldate . . 


13 


23 


1 


13 




1 


4 




2 


1 


8 




4 




2 




1 


2 


1 




1 








| 


1 




1 


St. Ebbe . . 


11 


54 

77 


2 
3 


28 
41 




5 


7 




3 


1 


12 




6 




2 




1 


2 


1 




1 












1 




1 


Total 


24 


















































I Extraparochial. 












2 


2 




o 


2 


1 














1 
























25 

1 


6 
3 


1 
1 


4 
3 




2 


2 




2 


2 


1 














1 






















J Total 


20 


9 


2 


7 












3 




















.. .. 








.. 










Strangers ill in street. 
New Hincksey 


3 

3 


1 

8 




"7 


' 


Total 




123 


194 


14 


115 








Total Cases from Choleraic Disease, of ) 


317 






which the residences, &c. are known. \ 






Total npntlis 






15>Q 





























































28 



Weekly amount of Disease in 1832, 1849, and 1854. 



TABLE III. 

Table shewing the Number of Cases and of Deaths from Cholera in each week of the Epidemic in 1832 
and 1849, and of Cholera and Choleraic Diarrhoea in 1854. 



Week 


1 


2 3 


4 


5 


6 


7 8 


9 


10 


n 


12 


13 


14 


15 


16 


1718 


19 


2021 


22 


23 


(" Cases 
1832 1 

[ Deaths 

First Case, 
June 24. 


5 
4 


17 
11 


16 
8 


12 

4 


16 
10 


18 
10 


10 
3 


6 

4 


19 
9 


22 
9 


14 
4 


5 

7 








5 




3 


3 
2 


1 




2 


1 


1832. 

Last Case, 

Nov. 28. 


C Cases 
184(K 

L Deaths 

First Case, 
Aug. 11. 


3 

2 


10 

4 


21 
12 


27 
11 


27 
10 


26 

18 


12 
9 


11 
6 


5 
1 


1 
1 


1 


1 
























1849. 

Last Case, 

Oct. 28. 




CD 


C 


CD 


C CD 


c 


CD 


C 


CD 


c 


CD 


c 


CD 


C CD] C 


CD 


c 


CD 


C 


CD 


c 


CD 


C 


en 


c 






















1854. 

Last Case, 

Oct. 30. 


1° Cases 
1854-^ 

(. Deaths 

First Case, 
Aug. 6. 


1 


2 
1 


1 


1 
1 






3 


12 
5 


12 
6 


35 

1!) 


18 
1 


36 

24 


30 

2 


35 

23 


22 
2 


19 
11 


21) 
3 


37 

18 


1(1 


11 
7 


6 


5 
5 








1? 
1 



For a more detailed account of the Disease in 1832 and 1849, see also Tables IV. V. and VII., with the letterpress 

which explains them. 



Order of Attack on the Parishes. — Intensity of the Disease. 29 

Were the attacks in the different localities simultaneous ? 

§.6. It has been already stated that the first case occurred in the extreme north 
of the City, and the second in the south. By a reference to the Table which follows 
at the close of the 5th Section, it will be seen that not till the fourth week were any 
other localities invaded. Then two cases occurred in St. Aldate's, also in the 
south of the Town ; and one in St. Clement's, the extreme east. In the fifth 
week cases occurred in the north, south, east, west, in the centre, and on the 
outskirts of the Town. In the three following weeks no further cases occurred in 
the north. In the ninth the Disease reappeared in the north, having retained its 
hold in all the other districts, and it lingered in the west, in St. Thomas's, and in 
St. Ebbe's, until the end. We may therefore notice concerning St. Ebbe's, one of 
our worst and lowest districts, that it was visited in the first week, and was not 
freed until the last. In St. Thomas's, a parish that needs and receives much care 
and surveillance, though it did not break out until the fifth week, when once there, 
it remained till the last week but two. 

Proportions of Cases and Deaths in the several Districts. 

§. 7. It has been shewn that the Cases of Cholera in 1854 were 194, and the 
Deaths 115, and the Population being 26,474, the Cases per 1000 are 7.33, and 
the Deaths 4.34. It has to be considered in what proportions these cases occurred 
in the several parishes, and whether there was any notable difference in the mor- 
tality. First of all, no cases occurred in any College or Hall, in the Infirmary, or 
in the City Gaol. By far the highest proportional number of Cases of Cholera and 
the greatest proportional mortality occurred in the County Gaol, and it may as well 
be also noticed here that among the 128 persons within those walls, there occurred 
actually a greater number of Cases of Choleraic Diarrhoea than in the whole parish of 
St. Thomas's, or in the united parishes of St. Aldate's and St. Ebbe's, or in the nine 
parishes forming the Central Ward. The Cases of Cholera in the Gaol being in 
the proportion of 47, and the Deaths of 31.25 per 1000: the Deaths being to the 
Cases in the proportion of 66.6' per cent. The next greatest number of Cases per 
1000 occurred in St. Thomas's, viz. 21.81 : the next in New Hincksey, 14.04 : the 
next in St. Aldate's, 12.16: St. Ebbe's, 11.60: and the lowest mortality, in pro- 
portion to the population, was in the centre of the City, where, throughout the 
whole of the Central Ward, it was 2.28 ; but in All Saints', one of the parishes, 
at the much higher ratio of 10.73. 

It seems undesirable to multiply words concerning subjects which the reader may 
at will study with the help of the subjoined Table. Perhaps the most extraordinary 
facts there recorded are under the head of Extraparochial ; viz. the immunity of the 
Colleges and Halls, the Infirmary, and the City Gaol, and the exceeding intensity both 
of the disease and the mortality just adverted to, in the County Gaol: this last most 
important fact will be considered presently. 



30 



TABLE IV. 

Table shewing the Cases, Deaths, Population, and Cases of Cholera per 1000 in 1832 and 1849, 
and of Cholera and Choleraic Diarrhoea in 1854. 



PARISHES. 


1832. 


1849. 


PARISHES. 


1854. 


n 


i 


Popula- 
tion 
(Census 
of '31.1 


Cases 
per 
1000. 


Q 




Popula- 
tion 
(Census 
of '51.) 


Cases 
per 
1000. 


Deaths. 


Cases. 


Popula- 
tion 
(Census 
of '51.) 


Cases 

of 

Cholera 

in 11)00. 


Deaths 

from 

Cholera 

in 1000. 


CD 


c 


CD 


c 


North. 
St. Giles 

St. Paul 


4 
11 


5 

26 


1736 
1750 


2-88 
14-86 


3 
3 


5 

5 


2438 
2634 


2-05 
1-90 


North. 

St. Giles (exclusive 1 
of St. Paul, Work- L 
house S; Infirmary) J 

St. Paul 


2 



1 
3 


4 
4 


o 
5 


2530 
2634 


•79 
1-90 


•40 
114 


Total . . 1 15 


31 


3486 


8-89 


6 


10 


5072 


1-97 


Total . . | 2 


4 


8 


7 


5164 


1-36 


77 


West. 
St. Thomas 


8 


14 


1700 


8-24 


10 


24 


2090 


11-48 


West. 
St. Thomas (exclud-"| 
ing St. Paul, and 
the County Gaol, > 
but including New 
Osney) J 





32 


19 


55 


2522 


21-81 


1269 


Central. 
All Saints 
Holywell 

St, John 

St. Martin 

St. Mary Magdalen "| 
(exclusive of City y 
Gaol) . . . . j 

St, Mary the Virgin 

St. Michael 

St. Peter le Bailey 

St. Peter in the East 


1 
1 

o 

1 
2 


2 
1 

2 
5 

2 

4 


560 
944 
122 
490 

2410 

419 

971 

1236 

1126 


3-57 
106 

4-08 

2-08 

1-62 

3-55 


1 

1 
6 


1 

o 
15 


559 
901 
107 
449 

2449 

391 
1022 
1315 
1144 


179 

0-82 
11-41 


Central. 

All Saints 

Holywell 

St. John 

St. Martin 

St. Mary Magdalen ] 
(exclusive of City y 
Gaol) J 

St. Mary the Virgin 

St. Michael 

St. Peter le Bailey 

St. Peter in the East 







1 




1 
1 


5 





1 



2 

9 

2 



1 


o 

7 


2 
7 
4 


6 


1 

2 

1 

2 
5 

2 


559 
901 
107 
449 

2461 

391 
1022 
1315 
1144 


10-73 
0-00 
0-00 
2-23 

0-81 

2-56 
1-96 
3-80 
1-75 


8-94 
0-00 
0-00 
000 

0-41 

000 
1-96 
2-28 
175 


Total . . 


7 


16 


8278 


1-93 


3 


18 


8337 


2-16 


Total . . 


3 


13 


23 


19 


8349 


2.28 


1-56 


East. 
St. Clement 


36 


74 


1836 


40-30 


1 


3 


2269 


1-32 


East. 
St. Clement 


4 


11 


17 


18 


2139 


8-41 


514 


South. 

St. Aldate 
St. Ebbe 


8 
16 


13 

31 


1452 
3123 


8-95 
9-93 


11 

30 


14 
54 


2131 
4656 


6-57 
11-60 


South. 
St. Aldate 
St. Ebbe 


1 


13 

28 


13 
11 


23 
54 


1891 
4656 


12-16 
11-60 


6-87 
6-01 


Total . . 


24 


44 


4575 


9-62 


41 


68 


6787 


1002 


Total . . 


3 


41 


24 


77 


6547 


1176 


6-26 


Extraparochial. 
Colleges and Halls 

Gaols * 


„ 


3 


1634 
145 
219 
162 


18-52 


4 
5 


7 
14 


1251 
150 
291 
233 


24 05 
60-08 


Extraparochial. 
Colleges and Halls 
Infirmary 
Workhouse 
Gaol (County)* 




1 
1 




3 
4 




1 

25 


: 

3 
6 


650 
101 

304 

128 


000 

0-00 

9-87 

46-98 


0-00 

0-00 

9-87 

31-25 


Total . . 


3 


3 


2160 


1-39 


9 


21 1925 


10-91 


Total . . 


2 


7 


26 


9 1183 


7.61 


5-92 


North 

West 

Central . . • . 

East 

South 

Extraparochial 

Unknown 


15 

8 
7 
36 
24 
3 
2 


31 
14 

16 

74 

44 

3 

2 


3486 
1700 
8278 
1836 
4575 
2160 


8-89 
8-24 
1-93 
40-30 
9-62 
1-39 


6 
10 

8 

1 
41 

9 


10 
24 
18 
3 
68 
21 


5072 
2090 
8337 
2269 
6787 
1925 


1-97 

11-48 

216 

1-32 

1002 

10-91 


North 

West 

Central 

East 

South 

New Hincksey . . 

Extraparochial 

Strangers ill in street 


2 

3 
4 
3 

2 



4 
32 
13 
11 

41 

7 
7 



8 
19 
23 
17 
24 

3 
26 

3 


7 
55 
19 

18 

77 

8 

9 

1 


5164 
2522 
8349 
2139 
6547 
570 
1183 
s 


1-36 
21-81 

2-28 

8-41 
11-76 
14-04 

7-61 
p 


77 

12-69 

1.56 

5.14 

6.26 

12.28 

5'92 

? 


Total . . 


95 


184 


22035 


8-35 


75 


144 


26480 


5-44 


Total . . 


14 


115 


123 


19426474 


7-33 


4.34 



* In the City Gaol there never mi in either Epidemic a case of Cholera, or of serious Diarrhoea, and therefore it is not entered in 1854. 



The Mortality in Private Dwellings, §c. 31 



The proportion of Deaths to Cases in Private Houses 
and Public Institutions. 

§. 8. In each of the three Epidemics provision was made for the care of Cholera 
Cases in a separate Hospital : the general Hospital (the Eadcliffe Infirmary) having 
declined to receive any Cases of Cholera. An opinion had been expressed that in 
the previous Epidemics the chance of recovery for those who were removed to a 
distance from their homes was diminished, and therefore in 1854 a careful ar- 
rangement was made for providing Nurses and all that might be required at the 
homes of all the poorer classes attacked : this last arrangement was most efficient 
and gave entire satisfaction. It was found in 1851 impossible to obtain two 
separate localities, to serve, one as a House or Field of Observation, and the other 
on which to erect a Hospital ; and therefore there being no power of sending the 
casual or destitute cases that could not be nursed at home, either to the Work- 
house or to the Infirmary, there was no course left but to use a remote corner of 
the Field of Observation as the site of a Hospital. Some delay took place in 
giving effect to the division and arrangements in this combined establishment, 
and it turned out, unfortunately, that more cases than might have been antici- 
pated w r ere necessarily taken into the Hospital at the Field. Several cases also 
that were sent to the Refuge portion of the Field were taken ill. In the previous 
Epidemics this last had not occurred. It is not possible to speak too highly of 
the assiduity of the Medical men who attended the poor at their own homes, or 
of the satisfactory and highly creditable manner in which the Nurses, under the 
management of Mr. Cartwright and of a Lady who forbids the mention of her 
name, discharged a duty to which they were so suddenly called. I may be excused 
for recording here that this training and discipline helped to make several of 
them efficient Nurses in the East. Bearing in mind then that these prepara- 
tions were not made till the Epidemic was at its height, it is interesting to 
scrutinize the statistics of the result, and to compare them with such corre- 
sponding data as are derived from the previous Epidemics. This is done in the 
following Table. 



D 2 



The Mortality in Public Institutions, fyc. 



TABLE V. 

Table shewing the Proportion of Deaths to Cases in Private Houses, and in 

Public Institutions. 





1832. Cholera. 


1849. Cholera. 


Cholera. 1854. Choleraic Diarrh. 


Cases. 


Deaths. 


Deaths 
per cent. 


Cases. 


Deaths. 


Deaths 
per cent. 


Cases. 


Deaths. Dcaths 
iPer cent. 


Cases. 


Deaths. 


Deaths 
per cent. 


Taken to the 
Cholera Hos- 
pital. 


}" 


13 


54-17 


39 


25 


G4.10 


+33 


17 


51-51 


11 






Attacked in 
Field of Ob- 
servation. 


I" 












11 7 


63-C3 








Private 1 
Houses. J 


152 


7G 


50-00 


105 


50 


47-C2 


146 85 58-22 


8G 


12 


13.95 


County Gaol. 








.. i .. 




6 4 


GG-GG 


25 1 


400 


Workhouse. 








.. j .. 




3 3 


100 00 


1 


1 


100-00 


Total 


♦ 184 


*95 


51-63 


144 75 


5208 


•f-199 fllG 


58-29 


123 


14 


1 1 -38 



* " Including 8 Cases and 6 Deaths in the parish of St. Giles, 
unknown whether treated at home or not." — Grcenhill. 

t In the total of this Table for 1854 there are 5 more cases of 
Cholera and one more death from Cholera than in any other 
Table. After the other Tables were completed, it was discovered 
that 4 more cases had occurred in the Field than had been re- 
corded : and that one case returned to me as a death in the 



Workhouse was really that of a person who was taken ill at the 
Workhouse, but who died in the Field : and so this case is 
returned doubly. 

± The record of the Hospital Cases is not such as could be 
wished. The Deaths took place : concerning some of the Cases 
there is uncertainty. 



In the first place it is exceedingly satisfactory to learn, that, although the Board 
of Health was unable to obtain such Hospital accommodation as they desired, the 
per-centage of Deaths among the Hospital Cases, according to the data furnished 
to the Writer, was less than in either of the previous Epidemics. The Cases taken 
there appear to have died at the rate of 51.51 per cent. : those taken ill in the Field 
at the rate of 63.63 per cent. Both taken together at the rate of 54.54 per cent. 
It is somewhat remarkable that an altogether different result obtained in Private 
Houses, the County Gaol, and the Workhouse, for all the Workhouse cases reported 
to the Writer are returned as Deaths. Of the 6 cases in the Gaol 4 died, and 
of the 146 treated in the Private Houses 85, or about 58 per cent. died. This 
result of the Cases treated in the Private Houses seems to confirm an opinion 
which the Medical Practitioners in the City generally expressed, that the Cases in 
this Epidemic were more severe than those in either of the previous ones, and it 
absolutely contradicts one which I am almost ashamed to say I have occasionally 
heard, that Cases were returned as Cholera which scarcely deserved the name. 



Effects of Age and Sex. 



33 



The only further remark which need be made in commenting on this Table, and 
one which I have earnestly and respectfully urged to the best of my ability, but 
hitherto without effect, is, that when we consider that several cases were taken ill 
in the Field of Observation in 1854, whereas none were so attacked on previous 
occasions, we should not be left to the shift of procuring accidental Hospital accom- 
modation for Epidemic disorders ; but that there should be, for the safety of all, 
efficient wards always ready to meet such lamentable emergencies. That much the 
most convenient course would be for the general Hospitals of the country to main- 
tain such wards in connection with them, (wherever, at least, they have open space, 
and are not located in the middle of a dense population,) is so obvious that no argu- 
ments are needed to enforce it. 



The Cholera in relation to Sex, Age, and Occupation. 

§. 9. However interesting it might be to investigate and to state in minute detail 
the precise relation of the number of attacks and deaths to the Sex, Age, and 
Occupation of people, yet the result of the procedure would be in no way propor- 
tional to the labour. A population of 30,000 is too small an one to permit such a 
subdivision as must be made before any deduction, practically valuable, concerning 
the real effects of Sex, Age, and Occupation could be made. The general results 
deducible from the reported Cases may be given as follows. 



TABLE VI. 

Ages of Males and Females attacked by Cholera and Choleraic Diarrhoea in 1854. 







All Ages. 


Under 

5 
years. 


5 — 


10— 


15— 


20— 






35— 


40— 


45— 


50— 


55— 


GO— 


65— 


70— 


75— 


80— 


85—1 


Both 
Sexes. 


Males & 
Females. 


25—30— 


< 

a 

o 

a 
o 


Cases. 


194 


M 86 


14 


14 


9 


4 


2 


4 


9 


3 


7 


8 


2 


2 


2 


3 


2 










f 108 


15 


4 


7 


5 


10 


5 


12 


11 


6 


5 


9 


4 


3 


1 


3 










Deaths. 


115 


m 49 


12 


4 


5 


2 


2 


2 


2 


1 


3 


6 


2 


1 


2 


2 


2 










F G6 


10 


7 


3 


2 


3 


4 


7 


8 


4 


3 


C 


2 


3 





3 










= 

s 

< 

q 

A 

o 

X 

O 


Cases. 


123 


m G3 


« 


3 


4 


5 


4 


7 


7 


5 


6 


1 


6 


3 


3 


2 














F 60 


7 


2 








3 


4 


4 


4 


9 


5 


8 


6 


3 


3 







1 


Deaths 


14 


M 6 


3 | 
































2 













F 8 


4 














1 


1 














1 

















34 Effects of Occupation. 

From this Table it may be noticed that of the 194 Cases of Cholera, 108 were 
Females, and only 86 Males, of all ages. Inasmuch therefore as the population of 
Oxford in 1854, 26,474, contained 13,197 (?) Males and 13,277 (?) Females, it would 
appear that 6.52 in each 1000 of Males, and 8.13 in each 1000 of Females, were 
attacked; and inasmuch as of the 115 Deaths, 49 were Males and 66 were Fe- 
males, it follows that the Males died in the proportion of 56.9 Deaths to 43.1 
Recoveries, and the Females in proportion of 61.1 Deaths to 38.9 Recoveries. 
There was therefore a greater probability among the Females that they would have 
the Cholera ; and of those who had it, there was also a greater probability that 
they would recover if they were Males. 

The Mortality varied according to Age. 
We learn that in London in the same Epidemic between the ages of 15 — 25, 
of 100 persons attacked 34.9 died. With us the mortality between the same ages 
was at the rate of 42.85. In London between the ages 25 — 35, the mortality was 
35.4 per cent. = with us 50. In London the Deaths in proportion to the Cases 
between 65 — 75, were 58.2 to 100 Cases — with us between the same age, in the pro- 
portion of 77.77 in every 100 persons attacked. 

Mortality according to Occupation. 
The Occupations of the attacked and destroyed having been examined and sifted, 
I am satisfied that no useful result would be gained by attempting to draw any 
elaborate conclusion from the inquiry. From the survey the most obvious facts are 
that the four first, the sixteenth and the seventeenth, classes of the Census Classifi- 
cation, (all persons of more or less " station in life" or ease,) probably suffered the 
least : 8 in these classes are noted as attacked, but of the 8, 6 died : the stress fell, 
numerically the heaviest, upon the labouring classes in all their ramifications : they 
died in the proportion of 56 in each 100 attacked. But in Oxford, especially 
during the absence of the University, the number of residents of the five just-named 
classes is proportionally small; and therefore those engaged in business and in 
labour, proportionally large. One Medical man died of Cholera ; he had neglected 
serious Diarrhoea, knowing and noting it, for nearly a week. He was not engaged 
in attendance on Cholera. Another who had attended Cholera cases was in danger 
from a severe and protracted Choleraic Diarrhoea. Several other Medical men 
suffered from Diarrhoea. One returning home at night was so frequently affected 
on his way that he could scarce reach home. The Nurses were tolerably exempt ; 
but one died. The Washerwomen did not suffer as a class, as far as I can learn. 
But this will be spoken of hereafter in Chapter VI. During the ninety days which 
we may say to have been the period of the Disease, five men were engaged in 



The Extent of Diarrhoea. 35 

emptying cesspools. They worked during nearly forty nights of the ninety. Not 
one had even Diarrhoea. This last circumstance has been noted in other places, 
and suggests a very important question concerning the noxious or innoxious nature 
of collections of ordure, when freely exposed to the open air. 

It need hardly be repeated that Oxford is not a place large enough to allow us 
to draw any safe conclusions concerning the liability of certain Occupations to 
Cholera, or their exemption from it, or to form data for the proportional mortality 
of various ages. 

The Progress of Diarrhoea and Choleraic Diarrhoea. 

§.10. However urgent the other symptoms, no case was, I believe, returned as 
Cholera in which the evacuations were bilious. Of the more serious forms of Diar- 
rhoea wherein cramps, vomiting, and even more or less collapse would occur, there 
were many cases in the City. But the mortality was very small compared to that 
of the Cholera. It appeared generally in the same localities, at the same times, and 
with nearly the same intensity at the different periods, as the genuine Cholera. 
In consequence of the severity of some of the cases, it appeared desirable to 
tabulate those, of which the names and residences have been returned, with those 
of the Cholera, so that the reader can in each of the Tables follow them through 
the Epidemic of 1854. They were not so examined in the previous Epidemics. 

First, then, with respect to the Diarrhoea. 

If we examine what is certainly known of the amount of Diarrhoea, we have some 
curious information. Dividing the Epidemic into four periods of three weeks* each, 
commencing with August 6 and ending October 22, it appears that we have no 
certain record concerning the first five weeks, or until the last week of the second 
quarter. In that week there were returned 1313 Cases of Diarrhoea: in the third 
quarter 2603 Cases : in the last quarter 527. These Cases, it will be remembered, 
do not include Choleraic Diarrhoea ; and they do not include Cases prescribed for 
at the Infirmary. 

Now in the sixth week there were out of every 1000 persons nearly 50 persons 
prescribed for, on account of Diarrhoea alone, by the Medical men, independently 
of the Chemists : in the third quarter, (the seventh, eighth, ninth weeks,) nearly 
100 in every 1000 : in the last quarter 19.90 in every 1000. 

If then we assume that in the second quarter the attacked were the same as in 
the third, (as they were nearly with respect to Cholera, and there is reason to 
believe that there were actually a greater number of Diarrhoea Cases in that 
quarter,) and that the first quarter had as many Cases as the last, then it follows 

* There was an isolated Case in the thirteenth week not reported to the Board, and not entered 
therefore in the Meteorological Diagram ; see below. 



36 Proportion of Deaths in 1832, 1849, and 1854. 

that at the least 6260 Cases were attended by the regular Practitioners on ac- 
count of Diarrhoea alone. Some of the Cases were perhaps relapses ; but as I have 
stated, the applicants at the Infirmary (more than 400) are not included. There 
cannot have been therefore less than a fourth of the population, at the lowest 
estimate, actually treated by the Medical men for this form alone in the manifesta- 
tion of the Pestilence. That very many more were under its influence may with 
equal certainty be concluded. 

Secondly, with respect to the severer forms of Diarrhoea, returned as Choleraic 
Diarrhoea. 

Of these Cases 123 are entered in the first Table. The Deaths among these 123 
were 14; or the proportion of 11.5 Deaths to 100 Cases. But it is known that 
many more occurred whose names and addresses were not returned, and which 
therefore I could not tabulate in respect of their residence, &c. The numbers re- 
turned to the Board in the second quarter of the Disease were 165 : in the third 
quarter, 61 Cases. The Deaths therefore were not proportionally as numerous as 
would appear by the weekly table : for all the Deaths of the Epidemic are recorded, 
but not all the Cases. And taking the reported Cases in the two middle quarters 
as 226, and the Deaths 14, we find the Deaths in Choleraic Diarrhoea to have been 
only 6.2 in every 100 Cases. No fatal Case of simple Diarrhoea has been returned. 

In the Meteorological Diagram at the end of the volume the general progress of 
Diarrhoea and Choleraic Diarrhoea, in relation to the Cholera, may be most easily 
traced *. 

Comparison of the Epidemic o/1854 with those o/1832 and 1849. 

§.11. The general result of these Choleraic visitations of Oxford may be given 
in a few words. 

The first interval of freedom from the Pestilence was seventeen years ; the second 
interval was five. 

The Cases per 1000 of the inhabitants in 1832 were in round numbers 8 : in 
1849 only 5 : in 1854, 7. 

If we exclude from each year the Cases in St. Clement's, whereon the Disease 
fell so heavily in 1832, the years of Pestilence claim, in the order of their precedence, 
5.4, 5.8, 7.2 cases per 1000 of the inhabitants. 

The recoveries in proportion to the deaths were in the proportion of 
51.63 deaths to 48.37 recoveries in 1832. 
52.08 deaths to 47.92 recoveries in 1849. 
5927 deaths to 40.73 recoveries in 1854. 

* The Reader should bear in mind that the numbers in that Diagram correspond with those 
returned to the Board, not with the more limited identified Cases in the Tables, as is explained above. 



TABLE VII. 



37 



Cases of Cholera in the several localities in Oxford in 1832 and 1849, and of Cholera 
and Choleraic Diarrhoea in 1854. 



Northern Parishes. 
St. Giles. 

Best's Yard 

Blenheim Place 

Parker's Square 

Pauling's Yard 

Plantation Road 

St. Giles's Road West 

St. Giles's Street 

Near the Church 

Unknown 



St. Paul. 

Cardigan Street 

Jericho Gardens 

Nelson Street 

Portland Place 

Union Street 

Near University Press 
Near Walton Terrace 

Walton Road 

Wellington Street 



*32 



'49 



Total 



Western Parish. 

St. Thomas. 

Ayres's Yard (Brazier's Yard) 

Billing's Row (Peacock Yard) 

Blay's Yard (South Court) . . 

Church Lane 

Corbett's Yard 

Faulkner's Row 

Fisher Row 

Green's Yard (Abbey Row). . 

Hamel 

High Street 

Hollybush Row 

Hythe Bridge 

Lamb and Flag Yard 

Orpwood's RowfBookbind.Yd.) 

New Osney 

Osney Lane 

Park End Street 

Payne's Yard 

Robert's Yard 

Should. of Mutt.Yd.(NormanC't.) 
Steane's Yard (Park End Place) 
Tawney's Yard (Holyfield's Yd.) 
Vaughan's Yard (Wareham Ct.) 
Unknown 

Total .... 



3] 



'54 



in 



14 24 19 



55 



Central Parishes. 
All Saints'. 

Amsterdam Court 

Carter's Yard 

High Street 

Turle Street 

Unknown 



32 '49 



'54 



Holywell. 
Holywell Street . . . 
Near the Church . . . 



St. Martin. 
Cornmarket Street . . 
St. Aldate Street 
Unknown 



Si. Mary Magdalene. 

Bound's Yard 

Broad Street 

Broken Hayes 

Friar's Entry 

George Street 

Magdalen Street 

Nunney's Buildings 

Red Lion Square 

St. John Street 

Unknown 



St. Mary the Virgin. 
Oriel Street 



St. Michael. 
Cornmarket Street . . 
Market Street 



St. Peler-le-Bailey. 

Alder's Yard 

Arnold's Passage (Victoria Place) 

Buckland's Row 

Castle Street 

Coach and Horses Yard .... 

Faulkner's Row 

Queen Street 

Pollard's Yard (Albert Place) 
St. Ebbe Street 



St. Peter-in-the-East. 

Fidler's Yard 

Gravel Walk 

High Street 

King Street 

Long Wall 

Tarry's Yard 



Total 



16 



18 I 23 



1 

19 



38 



TABLE VII.— (Continued.) 



Cases of Cholera in the several localities in Oxford in 1832 and 1849, and of Cholera 
and Choleraic Diarrhoea in 1854. 



Easterv Parish. 
St. Clement. 

Alms' House 

Bath Street 

Caroline Street 

Cherwell Street 

Cherwell Terrace 

Opposite Old Church . . 
Near Cowley House 

Cowley Road 

George Street 

George's Yard 

High Street 

Hitchcock's Row 

Iffley Road 

London Place 

New Street 

York Place 



Total 



Southern Parishes. 
St. Aldate. 

Alms' House 

Brewer Street 

Bridewell Square 

Carter's Yard 

Opposite the Church 

Dragon Yard 

English's Yard 

Floyd's Row 

Nelson's Yd. (Nelson's Passage) 

Pemhroke Street 

Pipe-maker's Yard 

Rose Court (Rose Place) 

St. Aldate Street 

Sheppard's Row 

Sparke's Yd. (St. Aldate' s Place) 
Toovey's Yard (School Yard) . . 
Treadwell's Gard. (Speedwell PI.) 

Wyatt's Yard 

Boat-House on the River . . 
Unknown 



32 



71 



49 '54 



St. 

Ahbey Place . 
Beef Lane . . . 



Ebbe. 



Carried over . . 



1 
12 



3 17 I 18 







1 




1 




o 


1 

c 


1 




1 


3 




1 




3 






3 


1 


3 


1 


1 


1 


3 


1 


5 
1 
1 


2 

•• 


• - 


6 
1 


3 






17 


13 


23 



St. Ebbe (continued) 

Brought up 
Blackfriars' Road 

Ditto. Eyles' Buildings .... 

Ditto. Hunt's Row 

Ditto. Hind's Yard 

Ditto. Waterloo Buildings . . 

Brewer Street 

Bridge Street 

Bridport Street 

Near Bridport Street 

Bull Street (New Street) 

Castle Street 

Church Street 

Commercial Road 

Friars' Street 

Friars' Wharf 

Gas Street 

Godfrey's Row 

Lee's Yard 

Littlegate 

Mazey's Yard 

Milbank 

New Street or Cross (Union St.) 

Paradise Square 

Paradise Street 

Penson's Gardens 

St. Ebbe Street 

Speedwell Street 

Speedwell Terrace 

Union Place 

White's Yd. (Chaundy's Yard) 
Wood Street 



Total 



New Hincksey 
Thames Street 
The Weirs . . 



Total . 



Extra-Parochial. 

Workhouse 

County Gaol 

Strangers seized in the street 



Total 



Unknown 



'32 



12 



'49 



42 08 



3 21 



'54 



2U 



23 

7 

1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 



3 

14 

3 



77 

o 



in 



N. B. After these Tables were in type the Names of many Yards were changed by order of the Commissioners, 
generally added in parentheses. 



The New Names are 



The Cholera more intense than heretofore. 39 

The Disease, therefore, excluding the exceptional case of St. Clement's, was 
more severe numerically, and more fatal in the last than either of the previous 
Epidemics, and returned, as has been noted, after a much shorter interval. 

In Table IV. a summary is given of all the Cases of Cholera and of Cho- 
leraic Diarrhoea in their respective localities. They are brought into comparison 
with Dr. GrreenhilPs Tables for 1832 and 1849, reproduced in parallel columns. A 
more detailed account of the localities is furnished in Table VII, and to that Table 
the reader is referred. This reference is all that can be required, if at the same 
time the Map of Oxford, at the beginning of the volume, be studied for the purpose 
of noting the localities stigmatized as unhealthy by the sanitary writers before 
alluded to. 

A few words then will sum up these Tables. The Cholera occurred with nearly 
equal intensity in the Northern Parishes in all the Epidemics, if we exclude one 
spot, Jericho Gardens, where it raged in 1832, when once it entered there. It has 
been pointed out that a better class of tenants inhabit them now than twenty-five 
years ago. But this district (St. Paul's) is still either wholly undrained, or insuf- 
ficiently drained. 

If we were to judge of St. Thomas's by the relative intensity of the Epidemics in 
the Parish, we should say that it was becoming worse and worse. There occurred 
in the three Epidemic years respectively, 14, 24, 55 Cases. But we know that 
this parish though poor is not neglected : it is thoroughly visited and assiduously 
cared for by its Clergyman ; and every good pastor exercises a beneficial influence on 
the temporal condition of his flock. We know besides that some yards, formerly 
execrable, are improved. But the City water was in 1854 distributed there, and 
this may in some instances have been the cause of the increase of the disease. 
It is remarkable that every yard and street which was attacked in 1832 and 1849, 
was again visited, with one exception, in 1854. 

St. Clement's suffered more in 1854 than in 1849, but much less than in 1832. 
The great difference between the Epidemic of 1832 and that of 1849 must cer- 
tainly be presumptively attributed to the condition of the Water supply : this is 
explained in a succeeding chapter. Possibly the increase of intensity in 1854, if to 
be accounted for, may be accounted for by the foul and low state of the river. 

The Southern Parishes suffered in 1854 nearly twice as much as in 1832, but 
only a sixth more than in 1849. The Water supply was bad ; some of the wells 
were foul to a degree ; one stank ; some were dry ; and the City water wherever 
distributed was unfit for use at such a time. The drainage is as bad as it has ever 
been. The Trill Mill stream, near whose banks disease has long been known to 
flourish, is uncovered still. 

E 2 



40 



CHAPTER II. 

On the Cholera in the Neighbourhood of Oxford. 

§. 1. While the Epidemic was in Oxford, deaths from Cholera occurred also in 
the neighbourhood. A survey of these may show something of the manner in 
which the Epidemic was spread in this part of our Island ; and at all events it will 
point out the share which Oxford had in receiving or in imparting the Disease : 
it may also help to elucidate some other points in the natural history of Cholera. 

Inquiries have been made into the History of the Cases which occurred in all the 
Registration Districts of Oxfordshire, excepting Henley ; and in those of Berkshire, 
called Faringdon, Abingdon, Wantage, and Wallingford *. In each of these such 
questions were put to Medical Practitioners in each place as were likely to elucidate 
the mode of arrival and spread of the Disease. The statements that follow will be 
best understood by referring to the Sketch-Map, Plate 4, " District round Oxford." 
In this Map the course of the several valleys of the Isis, Cherwell, and Thame, with 
their tributaries, and the situation of the principal towns in or near them are repre- 
sented. The scale of the Sketch is about a quarter of an inch to a mile. 

Deaths from Cholera occurred in Lechlade, Brize-Norton, Abingdon, Harwell, 
Brookhampton, Little Milton, Albury, Oakley, Brill, Winslow, Banbury, Little 
Bourton. The names of all these places are surrounded in the Map by an oval line. 
After the best inquiry that I have been able to make, I cannot ascertain in what 
manner the Cholera invaded these places, or from what cause. 

On further reference to the Map it will be seen that double lines radiate from 
Oxford to certain places, viz. to Woodstock, Besselsleigh, Wantage, Steventon, and 
Hailey. The Deaths which occurred in these places may be traced to immediate 
personal communication with Oxford. 

At other places it will be noticed that the double lines terminate in a star. 
These places are Garsington, Hincksey, and Witney, through Hailey. In these 
places it would appear that the Cholera having been conveyed from Oxford, was 
communicated directly or indirectly from persons who had been in Oxford to others 
who had not ; it then spread with more or less intensity. 

Lastly, Headington is connected with Oxford by a single line, which indicates 
that the Cholera spread at Headington, probably but not certainly, in consequence 
of communication with the City. 

The above brief summary clearly marked in the Sketch-Map is of course the 
sum and substance of much inquiry. I subjoin parts of the Evidence which has 
led to these conclusions. 

* See Population Tables I. Divisions II. and III. 1852. 



Cholera arose without communication. 41 

1st, then, with respect to the class in which Cholera occurred without a trace 
of communication with Oxford, it need only be said that I am indebted to highly 
respectable Practitioners in each locality for sifting the several Cases concerning 
which this negative conclusion is arrived at. 

As to Lechlade there was but one Case. Mr. Powell states, that the child in 
whom it occurred had eaten largely of wild fruit the day before, and died within 
twelve hours. 

I am informed concerning the Brize-Norton Case, that there is some doubt 
whether it was Asiatic Cholera. 

With regard to Abingdon, Mr. Martin informs me that there is no reason for 
supposing that the person who first died of Cholera had either been in a Cholera 
locality, or been in communication with those who had ; but a Nurse who attended 
upon him died. 

At Harwell two Cases occurred in the same house, one within a week of the 
other ; the first being a child, the second its mother ; the house being unclean and 
having a foul drain. Mr. Lightfoot informs me there is no reason whatever for 
supposing they had communicated with infected places. 

The Deaths which occurred at Little Milton, in the Thame district, cannot be 
traced to communication with infected sites. They afford an excellent illustration 
of Cholera originating, to all appearance, spontaneously, and then either spreading 
to persons in immediate contact with the first attacked, or to persons placed in 
circumstances identical with those of the first Case. Mr. Kimpton has carefully 
investigated their history. There were five Deaths in one family : the first on Sep- 
tember 21, the second and third on the 25th, the fourth on the 27th, the last on the 
2nd of October. A child aged four was first attacked. No person belonging to 
the house had been in an infected place, no articles had been received, nor had 
any person visited them from such a place. The site of the cottage is healthy, well 
drained, situated on a lime rock, and there was little illness in the village. The 
" Marriotts 1 cottage" was one of two joining each other, but unconnected with and 
at some little distance from any other dwelling. The family were crowded at night, 
ten persons sleeping in two small rooms. The only Cases in Little Milton were 
those in the family where the first Case occurred. The Nurses and Attendants 
washed the linen and removed the evacuations. All had Diarrhoea, one severely, 
but none had Cholera. There is no ground for supposing that the food of this 
family had any share in producing the Disease. There is a good well near, which 
could not be contaminated from any source, except from an old burial-ground many 
yards distant, unused from the time of Cromwell. 

Mr. Barker, the Union Medical Officer of Brill, has related to me the circum- 
stances connected with the spread of the Disease in his district. They are pecu- 



42 It sometimes spread, 

liarly interesting. It would seem as though every known or supposed means of 
favouring the extension of the Disease had existed in this generally fine and healthy 
village. The first person attacked was a labourer, who had Diarrhoea, followed by 
severe Choleraic symptoms : he recovered ; but the woman who attended upon him 
was attacked with Cholera, and died in six hours. This is an instance of severe 
Diarrhoea in one person having some probable connection with Cholera in a second, 
neither having been in a Cholera locality. The third Case occurred in a woman 
who had been in or near Oxford, at the time when the Epidemic there was about 
at its height. She had also attended the funeral of the Nurse just named. The 
fourth person washed the clothes of the third, and died in twelve hours : and that 
same night, the 1st of October, a woman who had been near none of these Cases, 
living at a distance from them, but who was wife to a man who cleaned out the 
cesspools, had Cholera : she recovered. It is unnecessary to seek out all the Cases 
which subsequently occurred ; but it must be named that a fortnight after this 
last-mentioned date a woman died, near whose house privy soil and sewer filth had 
been spread as manure ; and not only did she and other neighbours suffer and die, 
but many had Diarrhoea in various degrees of intensity. 

Mr. Walker informs me concerning the first victim of the Disease at Oakley, 
that there is no reason whatever for supposing that he had been in any kind 
of communication with a Cholera district. He was taken ill while at work in 
a field at 8 in the morning, and died at 8 at night. But this man lived in a very 
poor and dirty cottage, in one room of which, (and that room singularly unclean,) 
slept father, mother, a grown-up son, a grown-up daughter, and two children. Of 
these the boy died, the son was attacked and recovered, the mother, being the 
nurse of all, was taken ill and died : and a woman that occasionally helped her had 
Diarrhoea of a severe form, but was saved. No other Cases occurred in the imme- 
diate neighbourhood. "What conclusions may be drawn from these and the like 
touching incidents will appear in the sequel. 

At Winslow a tramp arrived from Stony Stratford, and put up in a crowded 
lodging-house. He had severe Diarrhoea and died. But, as I have noticed in 
other similar cases, where the spread of the Disease might have been anticipated, 
no other person, so Mr. Denne informs me. materially suffered. 

At Little Bourton one person died of Cholera. Mr. Chesterman was informed 
by his widow, that her husband had been in Banbury, and in the street where 
nearly all the Banbury Cases occurred, on the day previous to his attack. In con- 
nection with him no other Case arose. 

There were several fatal Cases of Cholera at Banbury, and to these hereafter it 
will be necessary most especially to revert. A man was employed one night in 
emptying a cesspool. The day following he died, to use Mr. Douglas's words, with 



and sometimes it did not. 43 

Choleraic symptoms. The next person attacked was the Nurse, his sister, who 
lived in a perfectly healthy part of the town, and died after a few hours' illness. 
All the Cases which occurred subsequently to these two were in persons who either 
were engaged in opening a sewer in a low locality, or lived in its immediate neigh- 
bourhood. Mr. Douglas adds, that there is not the slightest reason to suppose 
that any of the persons who had Cholera at Banbury had been to Oxford, or to any 
other place in which Cholera was prevailing. 

Ilnd. We have next to consider the class of localities in which a death from 
Cholera is registered, and in which that death may be shewn to have been attri- 
butable to the existence of the Disease in Oxford, but which did not contaminate 
the district where it occurred. These places are indicated in the Map by a double 
line connecting them with Oxford. They are Woodstock, Besselsleigh, Wantage, 
Steventon, and Hailey. There was but one Case at Woodstock. Of him Mr. 
Palmer says, that he died on Monday, October 2nd, having been in Oxford on the 
previous Thursday, and having suffered from Diarrhoea from that time, and having 
passed through Abingdon on his way. He was an itinerant small dealer at fairs. 

At Wantage one fatal Case occurred. This happened in a man who left Oxford 
about the same time as the man who died at Woodstock. He was an irregular 
liver and in a state of extreme poverty. He had Diarrhoea when he reached Wan- 
tage, having had it for two days. When Mr. Barker saw him, he was in a state 
of collapse, and never rallied. Of his history it is important to observe, that he 
was lodged in a common lodging-house, that many persons were therefore in con- 
tact with him, and that the discharges from the stomach and the bowels were left 
for some time unremoved. 

The labourer who died at Steventon had just returned from Oxford, and died 
soon after reaching his home. 

The only two localities remaining under this head are Besselsleigh and Hailey. 
Both of these are of peculiar interest for the following reasons. First of all, with 
regard to the one Case that occurred at Besselsleigh. Harriet Thomas, aged 22, 
had lived in Oxford for some time and nursed a family named Maizey, who had 
Cholera. She left Oxford feeling ill, went through Abingdon, and late in the night 
on which she reached Besselsleigh was attacked with vomiting and purging, and 
died in collapse in about twelve hours. Now it is remarkable enough that a man 
of Hailey, named Robert Rhymes, came from thence to Oxford to seek work, called 
upon the said Maizey, who is the owner of a horse and cart employed in odd work, 
and who has acquired, by great industry though in weak health, such property as he 
possesses. He lived in a miserable spot in St. Ebbe's, called Maizey's Yard. So 
miserable and so foul was one of the dwellings in this place, that the writer, in 
going to see a man there in extreme collapse, thought it necessary for the safety 



44 It sometimes spread violently, 

of those to be employed about the Case to break through a portion of the roof, in the 
hope of securing some ventilation and of removing the Choleraic stench and effluvia. 
To this place the man of Hailey repaired, and saw Maizey the first day that he was 
up and about after emerging from Cholera. He engaged himself to Maizey and 
went home. This happened on Wednesday. He was taken ill with unmistakeable 
Cholera, and seen by Mr. Edwin Batt of Witney. He recovered, and no other case 
occurred in Hailey. But the first Case which occurred in Witney occurred in the 
person of Richard Plummer, who conveyed medicine to Robert Rhymes at Hailey 
while he was ill. 

Illrd. Whereas then the Cholera which occurred at Hailey, in a single Case, 
without spreading there, must be considered as having been conveyed from Oxford, 
so the cases at Witney may be stated to have been mediately, through Hailey, derived 
from the same source. It is not proposed to offer here any explanation of the 
remarkable facts detailed in the last few words, but merely to state them ; nor is it 
desirable in this place to give a complete account of the course of the Cholera 
through Witney. Some details will be found in the Appendix. 

What may be stated here however is this, that the first Case occurred in a low, 
damp, unclean, crowded house ; in the same house and in the same yard in which 
it appeared in the Epidemic of 1849. And generally it may be remarked, that the 
Epidemic followed the same track, and showed the greatest intensity in the same 
parts of the Town as on the previous occasion ; as I have learnt from the two 
brothers, Messrs. Edwin and Augustin Batt, whose well known kindness and 
sagacity were actively employed during the severe visitation of their town. 

Garsington was immediately connected with Oxford during the Epidemic in the 
following manner. The man Ruffle, who was the first person attacked, had not been 
into Oxford; but on September 12 he received into his house two persons, one a 
man who had been engaged about persons suffering from Cholera, and the other his 
son convalescent from the Disease. The latter, still weak, occupied his father's bed 
during the day, and up to the time at which Ruffle got into it for the night, in the 
course of which he was attacked with Cholera and died in a few hours. The next 
night Ruffle's wife was attacked and died, and the day following his grandson was 
attacked, but recovered. For all these facts I am indebted to the sifting care of 
Mr. Cogan of Wheatley. 

Now Ruffle's dwelling was the half of a double cottage. The back of one end 
of this building was but five yards distant from the front of a similar tenement con- 
taining three dwellings. They were inclined to each other at an angle, so that the 
other end of Ruffle's cottage was fourteen yards apart from the corresponding end 
of the other. There were therefore five dwellings under these two roofs. The second 
cottage in Garsington which was attacked was that under the same roof with 



after it had been conveyed from Oxford. 45 

Ruffle's. The third was the one five yards from the back of his dwelling. And the 
fourth attacked was under the same roof with the third, that viz. which was fifteen 
yards from the second. All these were low, wet, crowded, filthy. Eleven Cases 
of Cholera occurred in them, besides Cases of bad Diarrhoea. There were four 
Deaths. From the nature of the locality all were in communication with one 
another. Of thirteen neighbours and friends engaged about the first and second 
Case, or led to the house by curiosity, eleven were attacked with Cholera within a 
few days. Two out of four men who carried the first and second corpse to the grave 
were attacked. One died after a few hours' illness : the other of consecutive fever. 
A young woman who nursed a neighbour was taken ill in her own house. Her bed 
was afterwards occupied by two of her brothers, and both were attacked on the 
first night that they slept in it. 

The last spot which is connected with Oxford by the double lines and the star 
indicating the spread of the Disease is New Hincksey. The facts relating to it 
have been thoroughly investigated by Mr. Hitchings, and are simple enough. 
New Hincksey is a cluster of houses about half a mile to the south of Oxford, 
separated by the Isis and adjoining meadows. It is of course in constant communi- 
cation with Oxford. A man died of Cholera in the City. His widow took his 
clothes and bedding, saturated with evacuations, to New Hincksey. She there 
washed them and hung them up in the garden at the back of her house to dry. 
On the day following a child in the adjoining house was taken ill, and subsequently 
seven others sickened in the three houses of which the first was the centre. 

What is written above is an epitome of the most important facts that I have 
been able to ascertain of the progress of Cholera in a district of which Oxford may 
be called the centre. The conclusions which may be drawn from this history, and 
the hypotheses which may be founded upon it, will be given in another section. 



CHAPTER III. 

Local Causes which may have influenced the Progress of the Disease. 

§.1. All that need be said under this head will be dismissed in a few words. 
It has been surely shown by sanitary writers that there is some connection between 
bad living, using the words generally, and disease ; and that the Fever localities 
(taking Fever as a type of Endemic Disease) are generally, though not invariably, 
the same as the Cholera localities To go over this ground in detail would be 
tedious. As far as Oxford is concerned, the reader may soon satisfy himself on 
the point by referring to Mr. Ormerod's paper on the Sanitary Condition of Oxford, 
or by inspecting again the Map of Oxford at the commencement of this Memoir, 



46 The amount of Employment in Oxford fluctuates. 

and comparing for this purpose the marks which designate Cholera, and the marks 
which show foul and diseased spots, according to previous sanitary writers on 
Oxford. 

That Oxford may however furnish her chapter on this subject, to the general 
sanitary survey of the Country, the most striking particulars which were noticed 
during this Epidemic may be briefly stated, under the heads of Personal Condition 
of the People : State of their Dwellings : Effects of Elevation : Condition of the 
Drainage and Water Supply. 

General Condition of the People. 
§. 2. It is well known that the business of Oxford is in a great measure de- 
pendent on the presence of the University. The long vacation is therefore a great 
trial to the poor or the improvident. The Cholera occurred towards the close of 
the vacation. Many families were wholly without work. It was not in my power 
to ascertain rigorously in what proportion the families who had no work or little 
work suffered from Cholera, when compared with the more prosperous ; but I am 
able to state positively, that the Diarrhoea and Cholera were most rife, speaking 
generally, in the poorer places, and that in some alleys when meat was given, the 
Diarrhoea was arrested. 

State of the Dwellings of the Poorest Classes. 
§. 3. For residents in the City of Oxford it would be useless to furnish any de- 
scription of the dwellings of the less affluent and of the most indigent of our people ; 
and unless there were some tale of horror to unfold, to all others uninteresting. But 
in my judgment there are few, if any, very bad dwellings in Oxford, as the civilized 
world has counted badness. In London and Edinburgh, and other large towns, 
I have visited places incomparably worse than any that I know of here at present : 
though even here, I have seen dogs 1 litter from an upper room used as a 
kennel for fancy dogs, fall through the gaping planks on the bed of a woman in her 
confinement, on the floor below * : but nothing of the sort is now in my knowledge. 
To say that in all the alleys the houses are good, would be untrue ; but to designate 
them generally as not fit for habitation, unjust. Many of even the lowest class of 
houses are airy, open, with gardens behind them ; some with water-closets, carefully 
kept by benevolent landlords. But in St. Thomas's and in St. Ebbe's also are indi- 
vidual rooms and staircases whose existence is to be deplored. And there is scarcely 
any remedy for some of these places, but the remedy which followed the Plague of 
London. There is no mending them. Several private persons some years since, 
and before the New Lodging House Act had passed, took one of the worst alleys 

* The place has been altered some years, and the owner is at rest. 



PloHe, i. 



( oLm,,t<t* ) 




Br^cklcy 




DISTRICT ROUND OXFORD, 

to Illustrate D* Arlaiids Memoir on Cholera in 1B54 . 



The Towns net enclosed; m an oml Lira . had no death -from Oiclem 
The Towns enclosed in an/ oird Itvte had one or more deaths firm (Tiderxv 
The Towns (r which a dm/Me one passes trow detbrd had' one death dependent 
on armmunicatwrt -with/ O.rtbrd - but the disease- did spread. 
Ihe Tlaces that Jiave a deidtle line ending zn a- Star received the' disease' -from 
Oectbrd <md when there/ if spread. 



Moral and Physical Wretchedness in Oxford. 47 

in the Town to make Model Lodgings ; but in consequence of the high price we 
were obliged to pay, and the small rents we obtain, it has commercially failed ; and 
though we have uprooted a bad population, we have still no Model Houses. The 
fault of many of the lower tenements, built a century or more ago, is radically 
implanted in them. The rooms are too low ; the outlet too confined ; they are in 
some places built back to back, and have no thorough ventilation. Some im- 
provement has here and there been gained by placing Arnott's Valves in the 
rooms; but people in not strong health have a practical prejudice against fresh- 
ness in the air, and stop them up. Where such rooms exist, there bad habits tell 
tenfold on the people. In some of the Wynds of Edinburgh the poorest rooms 
were once the habitations of the nobles. Open stairs lead to high though divided 
rooms ; and much as fever and other sickness rages in them, yet through these 
larger approaches and the higher apartments, the blessed air of the breezy Firth 
can sometimes wind its way. Low rooms, crowded, in a stagnant atmosphere 
allow no such hope of avoidance of these lower states of health, which with poor 
and scanty food drag the poor into consumption and all forms of scrofulous disease. 
How many Out-patients of the Infirmaries and Dispensaries in England at this 
moment require meat, and not medicine ! 

I repeat it — as houses are counted bad, ours are not bad. But land is dear here, 
and freeholds are scarce, and improvements are almost impossible. There are 
some who may read these pages, to whom life is fresh, and the wretchedness of the 
world unknown, who cannot credit the statement I made of the woman's bed : who 
would not believe that a young prostitute, possessor of one wretched room, fell 
down among us with the Cholera, upon her sole household goods, the sweepings 
of a tailor's shop, half covered by the ragged ticking that had once made the 
list-shreds serve as a bed. Poor girl ! she lived through the disease, spent some 
months in a Penitentiary — and — -returned to her ways. 

It is obvious that the last instance of misery which has been named is due 
to faults of a moral rather than a physical kind. Of all such cases indeed it may 
be truly said that terrible as is their physical suffering, more terrible far their 
mental misery, and their incapacity for receiving comfort. 

Supposing, however, that mental misery does depend upon moral as well as on 
physical causes, and supposing that sin does produce temporal wretchedness, shall 
we say that for either reason the awakening of the dreamers by the sudden shock 
of Pestilence, and their quick passage into the shadow of death, is less terrible ? 
Must we for these reasons refuse to see how some of our fellow-men, by whose doors 
we daily pass, can live within them ? Judge now. 

Soon after 5 one morning, a woman awoke in the agony of cramps, with intense 
and sudden collapse. She was seen at 6. There was in her room no article of 
furniture, but one broken chair ; no bed of any kind, no fire, no food ; she lay on 

F 2 



48 Sufferings call out the Good and the Evil of Men. 

the bare boards ; a bundle of old sacking served for a pillow ; she had no blanket, 
nor any covering but the ragged cotton clothes she had on. She rolled, screaming. 
One woman, scarcely sober, sat by, she sat, with a pipe in her mouth, looking on. 
To treat her in this state was hopeless. She was to be removed. There was a 
press of work at the Hospital, and a delay. When the carriers came, her saturated 
garments were stripped off, and in the finer linen and in the blankets of a wealthier 
woman she was borne away, and in the Hospital she died. 

Her room was cleaned out : the woman that cleaned it had next night the 
Cholera. She and her husband were drunk in bed. The agony sobered her, but 
her husband went reeling: about the room : in a room below were smokers and 
drinkers. Then a woman of the streets in her gaudiness came to see her. They 
would not hear reason, but drank more spirits. The victim of the Disease cried 
out to the end, that her soul was everlastingly lost ; and she died. 

The care of these things weighed heavily. 

The City was in charge of a small unpaid Committee of the Board of Guardians, 
of whom the health of one, and the business of a second, forbad the attendance. 
The University was in its Vacation : the Cholera ceased : the University returned. 
The Cholera required a special Rate to defray its expenses. The bills seemed high, 
and in time were paid. The Epidemic is now a matter of history. Have we pro- 
fited by its lessons I 

In speaking of the condition of dwellings, the state of the houses and alleys have 
not been fully spoken of. They are greatly improved, and generally it has been 
^aid that there are not any that are very bad. In some, however, heaps of refuse 
accumulate after they have been removed, and this nothing but very efficient sur- 
veillance and a complete system of Draining and Water Supply will ever remedy. 
For further details concerning them, the reader is referred to the dark marks on 
the Map above described, and to the Sanitary Works before alluded to. 

After what has been here stated, it remains to be said, that no where could be 
found instances of more simple self-devotion, and more genuine kindness of heart, 
than were to be seen in Oxford, and at this time : that as one whose duties 
have enabled him to know something of the lives of the poor, I will dare to say, 
that there live in this City persons who, in spite of meanness of occupation, and 
extreme penury of life, possess and show to an eminent degree, though in their 
humble sphere, those moral qualities, whose cultivation is one of the main purposes 
of existence for every one : that the gentle nobleness of their natures might excite 
the sympathy of all, and that it might be as a model, if not of cultivation of 
mind, yet of personal character and conduct, in those great struggles that are the 
common trial of all mankind. 



Elevation influenced the Disease- 



id 



Elevation. 
§. 4. In the Registrar General's Report on Cholera in 1849, it was stated that 
" the elevation of the soil in London has a more constant relation with the mor- 
tality from Cholera than any other known element." It became therefore my duty 
to endeavour* to ascertain how far this was the case here also. From the 
examination of the Contour Lines, which may be noticed upon the Map, the follow- 
ing Calculations t have been deduced : 

In the three 
These were in the highest, 10 feet in . . . . 1832 . . . . 4 Cases 1 Epidemics 
Below 49-64 above 39-64. 1849-. .. 13 36 

1854 .. ..19 



In the succeeding, 10 feet in 
Below 39-64 above 29-64. 



In the next, 10 feet in 

Below 29-64 above 19-64. 



1832 
1849 
1854 

1832 
1849 
1854 



On the borders of the river the average surface f 1832 
of the water at Folly Bridge being (36-47) I 1849 
feet below the summit at Carfax. [ 1854 



20 
30 
11 

53 

47 
86 

20 
44 
54 



61 



186 



118 



But these figures 118, 186, 61, 36, represent only the actual cases recorded on 
the Map in the three Epidemics, not the proportion of the fatality, and not the 
proportion of the cases to the population. These proportions must be now given. 

The Contour Line 29.64 may be taken as dividing the City into an upper and 
a lower level, it being 16.47 feet above the average water level at Folly Bridge, and 
20 below the summit at Carfax. If the cases which occurred in the three Epi- 
demics collectively, including St. Clement's J, be reckoned, it is found that 141 
cases occurred in the upper level, and 362 in the lower : and estimating the popu- 
lations in the upper level at 14,200, and those in the lower level at 12,300, it will 
be found also that on the average of the three Epidemics there occurred 33.09 
cases in each 10,000 of the people in the upper level, and 98 per 10,000 in the 
lower : and estimating the deaths at 54.30 per cent., on the average of the three 



* No Contour Lines of the City being pub- 
lished, I was fortunate in being able to obtain 
them from Mr. Hoggar, the Engineer, from his 
unpublished drawings: they are reproduced in 
my Map. 

f This calculation excludes New Hincksey, 
and also St. Clement's : the case of the latter is 
wholly anomalous. There was in 1832 a great 



mortality in St. Clement's. Taking the whole 
of the Epidemics of 1849 and 1854, in St. Cle- 
ment's there were in the five feet below the 
highest Contour line 9 cases: in the ten feet 
next the River line 17 cases. 

X In St. Clement's, in the exceptional year 
1832, half the cases were above, and half below 
the 29-64 Contour. 



50 The effect of Density of Population. 

Epidemics, the deaths were at the rate of 17.97 per each 10,000 in the upper level, 
53.26 per each 10,000 in the lower level. 

Generally, therefore, the conclusions of the learned and accomplished Dr. Fahb 
are fully corroborated by the case of Oxford. The mortality on our lower level 
was proportionally three times as great as that of our upper level. 

Effect of Density of Population. 

§. 5. The area of the University and City of Oxford is supposed to be about 
361 acres ||, exclusive of the streets. Of these the University occupies 82. The 
population, therefore, inhabiting the City portion during the time of the Cholera 
being about 25,824, there were on an average 92.8 persons to an acre ; or if the 
City and University together be reckoned, the population would be at the rate of 
73.3 to an acre. Some parts however are far less dense than others. Assuming 
the average of the residents in the University during the prevalence of Cholera at 
600, as I have done, there were not more than 7.3 persons to an acre of the Uni- 
versity. Of these persons not one had the Cholera. The poorest districts in 
Oxford are also as is usual the densest, as they are the lowest. These are St. Tho- 
mas's, St. Ebbe's, and St. Aldate's. Of these St. Ebbe's contains about 39 acres §, 
exclusive of streets, and 119 persons to an acre ; St. Aldate's, 12 acres, and 157 
persons to an acre; or both parishes together, 128 to an acre. St. Thomas's, 
that part at least called the Parish, may be estimated at about the same as 
St. Aldate's. 

In Oxford, therefore, the parishes which, if we except perhaps certain limited 
house blocks, are the densest, were also the most grievously visited by Disease ; 
but this cannot be attributed to the density alone, but to other causes also ; these 
have been here and elsewhere alluded to. In London it was noticed that the 
densest parts of the population (246, 256, 290 persons to an acre) were not the 
most severely attacked. On the contrary, that the mortality was far higher in some 
of the more open, than in the more dense districts. 

Effects of Imperfect Drainage and of Water Supply. 
§.6. In the early part of the first chapter it was pointed out how the lowest 
and poorest parts of the City are those which are also the least well drained : 
upon this subject there is no need of further repetition. Still it is but just to 
record the opinion, that it is not imperfect drainage alone which is the cause of ill 
health in undrained places, though unquestionably it is a fundamental cause. 
Where the drainage is bad the basements are damp and foul; in old towns the 
ground is, in some places, saturated with liquid ordure to an amount scarcely to be 

|| For this estimate I am indebted to Mr. Frederick Morrell. 
§ Mr. Selby has calculated this amount. 



The influence of the Water Supply. 51 

estimated ; and the wells are more or less impure ; and good tenants will not 
occupy if they can go elsewhere. It is strange to see how one evil, in moral and 
physical causes alike, drags others in its train. Mr. Ormerod's Sanitary Map of 
Oxford points out in an admirable manner the way in which the Epidemic and 
Contagious Diseases are collected round special centres : and, as may be seen by the 
Map in this Memoir, these are also about the undrained parts. 

But I fully agree with the general bearing of the remarks on the subject of 
Water Supply, which were published by Mr. Rowell, in the Oxford Journal, Sept. 
2, 1854. These remarks I need not recapitulate, as in Oxford they are well known; 
but for readers out of Oxford it may be said, that they tend to prove that in dis- 
tricts where the water is impure, the Diseases that have just been named are the 
most rife: the notable instance of St. Clement's may be repeated. In 1832, there 
were, out of 174 Cases in all Oxford, in this parish alone 74 Cases of Cholera, and 
in 1849 only 3. During the former Epidemic the inhabitants had filthy water 
from a sewer-receiving stream ; and in 1849 from the springs of Headington, con- 
veyed thither soon after 1832. In 1854, out of 194 Cases, but 18 occurred in 
St. Clement's ; a proportional increase which would tend to show, what indeed we 
have various other evidence of, that the Water Supply, though it may be one mode, 
is not the only mode of conveying the Cholera poison. 

An instance occurred in the County Gaol which from its character may, I think, 
be accepted as almost an experimentum crucis, on one or two points in the inves- 
tigation of the effect of Water Supply. The conclusions will be given in Chap. VI. : 
the facts only are here recorded. In the first place it is to be noted, we have here 
two Gaols, a City Gaol and a County Gaol. Neither in 1832, nor in 1849, were 
there any cases in the City Gaol: in the County Goal there were in 1832, 3 cases; 
in 1849, 14. The knowledge of these facts made me very anxious to note the 
circumstances of the Gaol in any subsequent Epidemic. This year (1854) the 
opportunity presented itself. The surgeon of the County Gaol, Mr. Wood, having 
reported that there were many cases of Choleraic Diarrhoea, and some of Cholera of 
special malignity in the Prison, the Writer was desired to inspect the Prison. The 
result of this inspection is quoted from the Report presented to the Magistrates. 

" There have been 4 cases of Cholera, of which 3 have died. The first, aged sixty, had no 
premonitory symptoms at all. The second, aged forty-five, had had Diarrhoea for a few hours, and 
had been treated for it. The third had been ill for some days. The fourth had probably been 
ailing for some hours without stating it. The two first and the fourth cases were fatal. The first 
had been in the prison about one month : the second and third for several months : the fourth was 

still in the reception cell." " Three of the officers resident in the prison, and one who resides 

out of it, have had Diarrhoea." "I regret to add, that on paying a second visit to the Gaol 

yesterday, I found another sudden and virulent case of Cholera. It terminated fatally." 

" Already out of 12 debtors, 5 have had Diarrhoea : out of 59 felons and misdemeanants, 19 : out 
of 15 trial men, 7 : of 9 women, 6 : making a total of 37 out of 95 attacked by Diarrhoea in a fort- 
night, besides the cases of Cholera above described." 



•52 The consequences of Foul Water in the County Gaol. 

On this same day (September 29) it was ascertained that in the City Gaol there 
had been no cases of Diarrhoea of any consequence, and none of Cholera. The two 
Prisons are not far from each other. The County Prison is admirably managed — 
the Officers are attentive humane men — the Surgeon an accomplished Practitioner 
— What could be the cause ? 

At a short distance from the Gaol flows a branch of the river, through St. Tho- 
mas's, one of those described at p. 24. It passed through a Mill, the Castle Mill — 
is dammed up for the Mill- head above the Mill — and when flowing through the 
Mill, forms a brisk stream in the Mill-tail, carrying with it whatever impurities it 
obtained in the Mill-head. When the Mill is not at work, and the water is ponded 
up, the Mill-tail becomes, as all such spots do, a nearly stagnant pool. This year 
(1854) the river was unusually low, and at the date of my inspection of the Prison, 
this pool contained various garbage stationary on its surface and its bottom. 
Further, a drain from the prison flowed into the pool ; within ten feet of the 
mouth of this running drain, the supply-pipe from the prison sucked up the con- 
tents of the pool for the prison use. From this source the kitchen coppers were 
supplied, and with this water the soup and the gruel, important articles in the 
weekly diet, were made. 

No sooner was the attention of the Governor of the Prison drawn to this fact — 
barren though it might appear to be — than the pipes were cut off: and what 
followed ? whereas before this there had occurred 20 cases of Choleraic Diarrhoea, 
and 5 cases of Cholera, of which 4 were fatal; after the following day (September 29) 
no more than 3 of Choleraic Diarrhoea, and 1 of Cholera, (none being fatal), were 
reported during the rest of the Epidemic. 

Whatever opinions there may be concerning the effect of Water generally in the 
production of Cholera, we cannot reasonably doubt the immediate connection be- 
tween the Water and the existence of the Disease, nor question the cause of its 
cessation in this particular instance. The precise way in which the Water acts in 
the production of the Disease will be considered hereafter. 

The Water was deficient in quantity, and bad in quality, in many of the wells *, 
and especially in some of the affected yards ; and the water supplied by the Water- 
works was Water from the river whose condition has been described at page 24 : 
in the Map are seen also the principal, but by no means all the points where the 
Water was fouled by the sewage of the Town, before it was distributed over it f. 

* Inquiries have been made of 123 houses or alleys, in which Cholera occurred, concerning their 
Water Supply. Of these, in 68 instances no complaint was made of the Well Water : in 26 it was 
said to be insufficient : in 14 to be bad. In all instances (10) where the City Water Works were 
depended upon, it was said to be too bad to be used : in 3 the same report was made of Wells ; and 
in these 13 cases the inhabitants went elsewhere for their supply. 

t Happily New Water-works are now constructed ; still below the Town, but from a large sheet 
of water, not from the River. March 1856. 



The Meteorology of the Epidemic. 



53 



CHAPTER IV. 

Comparative Meteorological results during the Visitations of Cholera in Oxford in 1832, 
1849, 1854, from observations made at the Radcliffe Observatory. 



For the important Meteorological Observations which follow, I am indebted 
to the kindness of Mr. Johnson, the able and indefatigable Radcliffe 
Observer. 



" In the following Tables I have collected together and presented in as concise a 
form as I have been able, the mean monthly results of such Meteorological ob- 
servations as have been made at the Radcliffe Observatory during the Visitations 
of Cholera in 1832, 1849, 1854. In the latter year the system of observation 
having been somewhat extended, the details are fuller. To have attempted a 
statement of daily changes during the two earlier visitations, would have led us 
beyond the reasonable limits of a local Report, and would probably not have been 
attended with any adequate advantage. With regard to 1854, this has been 
done in the series of Diagrams at the end of the volume, drawn up by Dr. Acland, 
to shew the progress of the Disease, of which the meteorological data are derived 
from the same source as supplied the following results. 

Nothing more, I believe, need be said in the way of preface. I shall therefore 
place the Tables at once before the reader, and then proceed to the explanation 
of them. 

Table I. — Barometer. 





Normal 
Reading. 






Excess in 




Ann. Var. 


1832. 


1849. 


1854. 


Jan. 


in. 
29-721 


in. 

±0-107 


+ 060 


-0-007 


-0168 


Feb. 


•700 




113 


+ 


187 


+ -346 


+ -315 


Mar. 


•690 




118 


+ 


019 


+ 184 


+ 431 


Apr. 


•700 




110 


+ 


097 


- -232 


+ -234 


May 


•733 




085 


+ 


002 


- 019 


- -126 


June 


•725 




059 


— 


069 


+ -087 


- -046 


July 


•721 




047 


+ 


160 


+ -009 


+ -028 


Aug. 


•730 




059 


— 


079 


+ -047 


+ no 


Sept. 


•718 




084 


+ 


195 


- 002 


+ -242 


Oct. 


•684 




104 


+ 


168 


- 001 


- 022 


Nov. 


•677 




111 


— 


027 


+ 010 


- 036 


Dec. 


•707 


■ 107 


+ -056 


+ 044 


+ -022 


Year 


29-708 


±0-028 I +0-075 


+ 040 


+ 080 



54 



The Meteorology of the Epidemic. 
Table II. — Thermometers. 



Dry Bulb. 


Wet Bulb. 




Normal 


Probable 


Excess in 


Normal 


Probable 


Excess in 


















Reading. 


Ann. Var. 


1832. 


1849. 


1854. 


Reading. 


Ann. Var. 1 1832. 


1849. 


1854. 


Jan. 


377 


± 2°61 


- 0-7 


+ 1-8 


+ 1-6 


36-5 


± 344 






+ 1-6 


Feb. 


38-6 


2-38 


- 1-5 


+ 3-4 


+ 14 


369 


2-84 








+ 0-6 


Mar. 


414 


207 


- 01 


+ 1-2 


+ 2-3 


387 


209 










+ 2-1 


Apr. 


460 


1-79 


+ 0-5 


- 31 


+ 2-9 


42-6 


1-69 










+ 17 


May 


524 


1-68 


- 01 


+ 1-5 


- 1-8 


49 


1-68 










- 14 


June 


58-6 


1-56 


+ 0-6 


- 10 


- 30 


55-2 


1-68 










- 24 


July 


61-4 


1-43 


+ 01 


- 0-9 


- 0-4 


577 


1-38 










- 07 


Aug. 


59-7 


1-28 


+ 0-8 


+ 0-9 


+ 0-3 


55-8 


0-94 






+ 0-6 


+ 0-2 


Sept. 


55- 1 


1-33 


+ 1-0 


+ 10 


+ 2-9 


51-6 


0-89 






+ 1-5 


+ 21 


Oct. 


49-3 


165 


+ 1-9 


00 


+ 0-4 


46-8 


1-49 






00 


00 


Nov. 


43-5 


2-14 


00 


+ 0-2 


- 2-2 


41-9 


2-54 






+ 0-3 


- 2-6 


Dec. 


39-3 


2-50 


+ 2-3 


- 0-5 


+ 2-7 


380 


3-36 






+ 0-6 


+ 1-6 


Year 


486 


± 0-00 


+ 0-4 


+ 0-4 


+ 0-6 


45-9 


±0-66 






+ 0-2 







Tabli 


Ill 


. — Hygrometrical Deductions. 






Dew Point. 


Pressure of Vapour. 






Excess in 




Excess in 




Normal 






Normal 










Value. 


1832. | 1849. 


1854. 


Value. 


1832. 


1849. 


1854. 












_ 


in. 


i 


i. 


in, 


in. 


Jan. 


347 








+ 18 


0-220 








+ 021 


Feb. 


34-5 










- 0-2 


•217 








- 005 


Mar. 


354 










+ 20 


•226 








+ 020 


Apr. 


389 










+ 01 


•254 








+ 011 


May 


456 










- 07 


•322 








- 011 


June 


52-8 










- 1-8 


•411 








- -027 


July 


55-1 










- 0-6 


•445 








- 004 


Aug. 


531 






+ 0-4 


+ 07 


■415 






+ 006 


+ 002 


Sept. 


49- 1 






+ 1-9 


+ 1-4 


•363 






+ 023 


+ 019 


Oct. 


44-2 






00 


- 0-4 


•306 






•000 


+ 003 


Nov. 


400 






+ 0-2 


- 3-2 


•264 






+ -002 


- 028 


Dec. 


36-2 






+ 2 1 


+ 07 


•232 






+ 017 


+ 008 




Degf 

S 


ee of Humidity. 
iteration = 1 .0. 




Weight of a cubic 
of Air. 


FOOT 




Normal 


Excess in 




Excess in 










Normal 










Value. 


1832. 


1849. 


1854. 


Value. 


1832. 


1849. 


1854. 












grs. 


grs. 


grs. 


grs. 


Jan. 


0-902 








+ -005 


550 








- 5 


Feb. 


•864 








- 045 


548 










+ 5 


Mar. 


■815 








- 010 


545 










+ 5 


Apr. 


780 








- 068 


540 










+ 1 


May 


782 








+ 038 


532 










+ 1 


June 


•824 








+ 037 


526 










+ 3 


July 


811 








- 005 


523 










+ 1 


Aug. 


•796 






- 009 


- 004 


525 









+ 1 


Sept. 


•818 






- 026 


- 039 


530 






- 1 


+ 1 


Oct. 


■839 






•000 


- 020 


536 









- 1 


Nov. 


•896 






- 010 


- 042 


542 









+ 2 


Dec. 


•899 






+ -085 


- 059 


548 






+ 1 


- 3 



Meteorological Tables. 
Table IV. — Mean daily range of Thermometer. 



55 









Excess in 




Normal 


Probable 








Value. 


Variation. 


1832. 


1849. 


1854. 


Jan. 


9-7 


±101 


- 0-8 




- 03 


Feb. 


11.8 


1-57 


- 1-7 






+ 1.4 


War. 


153 


1 97 


- 1.6 






+ 0-9 


Apr. 


181 


1-87 


- 1-7 






+ 2-6 


May 


18-2 


1-53 


- 1.3 






+ 0-7 


June 


170 


131 


- 0-5 






- 10 


July 


16-7 


137 


+ 11 






+ 1-5 


Aug. 


17-4 


1-53 


- 01 






+ 10 


Sept. 


16-7 


1-45 


+ 2-4 






+ 4-6 


Oct. 


140 


107 


— 2-2 






+ 10 


Nov. 


111 


0-65 


- 10 






+ 01 


Dec. 


9-6 


0-59 


- 0-2 






+ 1-4 


Year. 


14.6 


± 0-40 


- 00 




+ 12 



Table V. — Quantity of Rain and other Fall. 









Excess in 






Probable 










Value. 


Variation. 


1832. 


1849. 


1854. 


Jan. 


1-99 


±•783 


- 0-39 


- 0-31 


+ 016 


Feb. 


1-83 


■695 


- 143 


- 0-95 


- 94 


Mar. 


1-81 


•672 


+ 0-28 


- 018 


- 1-40 


April 


1-94 


•725 


+ 0-56 


+ 1-52 


- 116 


May 


217 


809 


+ 072 


+ 141 


+ 107 


June 


2-34. 


•935 


+ 0-63 


- 119 


- 0-53 


July 


2-51 


■919 


- 0-96 


- 0-20 


- 104 


Aug. 


2-63 


•944 


+ 1-90 


- 1-48 


- 0-92 


Sept. 


2-67 


•964 


- 1-64 


+ 0-79 


2-23 


Oct. 


2-63 


•975 


+ 071 


- 0-99 


- 0-36 


Nov. 


2-47 


■953 


+ 001 


- 0-99 


- 119 


Dec. 


2-23 


■884 


— 0-24 


+ 0-43 


- 103 


Year. 


27-22 


±309 


+ 0-75 


-214 


- 9-57 



Table VI. — Direction of the Wind. 









Northerly 






Northerly 




Northerly 




Normal 


Direction 


excess 


Direct 


on 


excess 


Direction 






Direction. 


in 1832. 


in 1832. 


in 1849. 


in 1849. 


in 1854. 


in 1854. 


Jan. 


S 50 W 


S 2°6 W 


- 24 


S 44 


w 


- °6 


S 3°1 W 


- 19 


Feb. 


S 62 W 


S 60 W 


- 2 


S 48 


w 


14 


N 52 W 


+ 66 


Mar. 


S 79 W 


S 75 W 


- 4 


S 89 


w 


+ 10 


S 88 W 


+ 9 


April 


N 18 W 


S 47 W 


-115 


S 33 


w 


-129 


N 9 E 


+ 27 


May 


N 21 W 


N 8 W 


+ 13 


N 44 


w 


- 23 


N 82 W 


- 61 


June 


S 64 W 


N 80 W 


+ 36 


N 9 


w 


+ 107 


N 71 W 


+ 45 


July 


S 68 W 


N 39 W 


+ 73 


S 62 


w 


- 6 


S 83 W 


+ 15 


Aug. 


S 67 W 


S 45 W 


- 22 


S 60 


w 


- 7 


N 75 W 


+ 38 


Sept. 


S 61 W 


N 86 W 


+ 33 


S 74 


E 


-135 


S 65 W 


+ 4 


Oct. 


S 59 W 


S 35 W 


- 24 


S 27 


W 


- 32 


N 85 W 


+ 36 


Nov. 


S 42 W 


S 54 W 


- 96 


S 23 


W 


- 19 


N 58 W 


+ 80 


Dec. 


S 47 W 


S 55 W 


+ 8 


N 11 


w 


+ 122 


N 89 W 


+ 44 


Year. 


S 61 W 


S 61 W 





S 50 


w 


- 5 


N 80 W 


+ 39 



G 2 



56 The Meteorology of the Epidemic. 

Table VII. — Proportion of Northerly to Southerly, and of Easterly to Westerly 
Winds, Northerly and Easterly Winds being assumed= 1 . 



North to South. 








Proport. 




Proport. 




Proport. 




Normal 


Ratio in 


excess in 


Ratio in 


excess m 


Ratio iu 


excess in 




Ratio. 


1832. 


1832. 


1849. 


1849. 


1854. 


1854. 


Jan. 


1.42 


2-57 


181 


2-50 


1-76 


400 


2-82 


Feb. 


ieo 


1-27 


0-79 


7-33 


4-58 


019 


012 


Mar. 


104 


1-40 


135 


108 


104 


113 


109 


April 


0-83 


2-25 


2-71 


1-27 


1-53 


0-31 


0-37 


May 


0-81 


0-59 


073 


0-80 


0-99 


1-50 


1-86 


June 


1-55 


0-92 


0-59 


056 


0-36 


0-74 


0-48 


July 


174 


0-41 


0-24 


1-78 


102 


113 


0-65 


Aug. 


1-75 


3-67 


210 


2-67 


153 


0-65 


0-37 


Sept. 


1-26 


100 


0-79 


118 


0-94 


I 47 


1 17 


Oct. 


175 


3-67 


2-10 


1-40 


0-80 


0-96 


0-55 


Nov. 


1-95 


1-50 


0-77 


300 


1-54 


0-38 


019 


Dec. 


1 77 


2-83 


1-60 


0-67 


0-38 


100 


0-56 


Year. 


1-40 


1-34 


0-96 


1-39 


0-99 


0-81 


0-58 


East to West. 








Proport. 




Proport. 




Proport. 




Normal 


Ratio in 


excess in 


Ratio in 


excess in 


Ratio iu 


excess in 




Ratio. 


1832. 


1832. 


1849. 


1849. 


1854. 


1854. 


Jan. 


1-49 


100 


107 


300 


201 


1-70 


Ill 


Feb. 


2-27 


115 


0-50 


3000 


1315 


3 90 


1-71 


Mar. 


1-56 


300 


1-93 


1-67 


1-07 


255 


163 


April 


102 


2-43 


2-38 


115 


113 


0-83 


081 


May 


106 


100 


0-94 


127 


1-20 


3600 


33-96 


June 


2-34 


233 


100 


100 


0-43 


6-20 


2-05 


July 


312 


1-88 


0-60 


2-86 


0-92 


310 


0-99 


Aug. 


305 


500 


1-64 


5.50 


1-80 


14-67 


4-81 


Sept. 


1-68 


214 


1-27 


0-40 


0-24 


300 


1-79 


Oct. 


2-42 


300 


1-24 


130 


0-54 


600 


2-48 


Nov. 


1-93 


0-50 


0-29 


167 


0-87 


1600 


8-28 


Dec. 


1-92 


4 00 


208 


1-22 


0-64 


inf. 


inf. 


Year. 


1-80 


1-66 


0-89 


171 


0-92 


4-37 


2-35 



Table VIII. 



Relative Force 


Amount of 


Schonbein's 


of Wind. 


Cloud. 


Ozonometer. 




Norma! 


Excess In 


Normal 


Excess in 








Value. 


1854. 


Value. 


1854. 


10 A.M. 


10 P.M. 


Jan. 


2-0 


- 0-5 


7-5 


+ 0-4 






Feb. 


21 


- 06 


6-9 


+ 0-9 


2-7 


20 


Mar. 


1-7 


- 04 


68 


-0-7 


31 


1-9 


April 


20 


- 05 


69 


- 2-4 


3-8 


2-3 


May 


1-7 


- 0-6 


6-9 


00 


4-7 


2-3 


June 


1-9 


- 02 


7-2 


+ 0-8 


50 


3-4 


July 


1-8 


- 06 


7-5 


+ 0-4 


3-2 


20 


Aug. 


18 


- 0-4 


6-9 


- 0-5 


2-6 


1.5 


Sept. 


1-7 


-0-2 


60 


- 1-7 


2-9 


19 


Oct. 


1-9 


- 0-3 


7-3 


- 0-4 


2-6 


1-7 


Nov. 


1-8 


- 0-2 


7-1 


+ 0-6 


3-0 


2-8 


Dec. 


1-7 


+ 0-5 


7-7 


- 10 


3-6 


2-4 


Year. 


1-8 


- 0-3 


7-1 


- 0-3 


34 


20 



Readings of the Barometer. 57 

Explanation of the Meteorological Tables. 

Table I. — The second column contains the most probable mean monthly reading 
of the Barometer deduced from 25 years' observations, from 1828 to 1852 inclusive. 

The column entitled "Probable Annual Variation" shews the amount of variation 
to which the values in the preceding column are liable, according to the theory of 
probabilities. The numbers here given represent the limits within which it is an 
even chance that the mean monthly indications in any year will agree with the 
Normal values. They serve therefore as standards to mark the meteorological cha- 
racter of any given month ; excesses falling within these limits shewing that the 
condition was not abnormal, while greater excesses shew that it was. 

In the three following columns are given the excesses during every month of the 
years in which Cholera appeared. In these columns the sign + shews that the atmo- 
spheric pressure of the year was greater than the normal pressure, and the sign — , 
the contrary. Therefore by adding the quantities with the + sign to, and subtract- 
ing those with the — sign from, the normal values, we obtain the reading of the 
barometer for any required month. 

Thus a comparison of these numbers with the probable variation will shew 
whether there was any thing extraordinary in the character of the month. For 
example, we see in the year 1832, that the excess in January was less than the 
probable variation, therefore that month was not abnormal in the condition of 
pressure; whereas February was. The same was the case in 1849; while in 1854 
both months were abnormal. 

Furthermore, knowing the probable variation of any period and its observed 
excess, we are in a condition to estimate, by the law of probabilities, the degree of 
abnormality. Thus, such an excess as occurred in February 1832, will probably 
occur once in every four years ; whereas so great a difference as occurred in February 
1849, is not likely to occur more than once every 25 years, and the excess in March 
1854 was such as is not likely to happen more than once in 70 years. 

From these columns of excesses it will be seen that in all the years of Cholera 
the mean pressure of the atmosphere was greater than the normal pressure. 

The excess in 1832 is likely to recur once in 14 years. 
1849 .. .. once in 4 years. 

1854 .. .. once in 18 years. 

It must be understood that we are not asserting that the standard is unerring ; 
but I believe, under the circumstances, it is as convenient and as sure a test as 
any we can adopt, and has the advantage of conveying a more definite idea of 
climatic anomalies than a mere statement of comparative agreement with an 
average ; which is a factitious quantity, dependent entirely for its value, as a 



58 Meteorology of the Epidemic. 

standard, on the elements from which it is composed. For example, take these two 
series of numbers. 

2975 29-55 

29-35 29-45 

29-17 29-43 

29-99 29-50 

29-04 29-40 



Mean 29-46 Mean 29-46 

The means of both series agree. Now take the differences between each individual 
result, and the mean, disregarding signs, and we have — 

0-35 0-09 

n 01 

29 03 

53 04 

42 06 



Mean 0-340 Mean 0046 

Here then, obviously, a deviation of 010 would be a small quantity relatively to 
the first series, and a large one relatively to the second. But we could not judge 
of this without knowing the average differences which obtain between the numbers 
composing the averages themselves. 

1 have perhaps dwelt too long on this subject, but it appears to me an important 
one in Comparative Meteorology; and as I have adopted the same system in all the 
following Tables, wherever I had materials for a tolerably accurate determination, 
what I have here said will be applicable to them also. 

Table II. contains the comparisons of the mean monthly temperatures of the 
three years with the normal values. The arrangement is the same as that of 
Table I. 

The year 1832 is distinguished by extreme regularity of temperature. Only one 
month, October, was abnormal, and that very slightly. In 1848 the months of 
February and April were abnormal, the former in excess, the latter in defect, as 
3 to 1 and 4 to 1 respectively ; that is to say, such differences are likely to occur 
every third and fourth year. 

The year 1854 presents greater irregularities. Six out of the twelve months were 
slightly abnormal; the low temperature of June, and the high temperature of 
September are chiefly noticeable; the former in the proportion of 5 to 1, the latter 
of 6 to 1 . 

The mean temperatures of all three years were normal. 

Table III. contains the Hygrometric results deduced from the preceding values 
of the Dry and Wet Bulb Thermometers, by Glaisher's Tables. 



Temperature, Wind, and Rain. 59 

The observations have not extended over a sufficient number of years to enable 
us to establish satisfactorily the probable variation of these elements. However, 
the deficiency of humidity, and the excess in the weight of air, in the year 1854. 
are noticeable. 

Table IV. contains the comparison of the normal daily range of temperature in 
each month, with the daily range in 1832 and 1854; no observations of the kind 
having been made in 1849. In this Table we may remark great comparative 
steadiness of temperature in 1832, and the contrary in 1854. In 1832, in three 
months only was the range greater than the normal range; whereas in 1854 there 
were only three when it was less. The greatest excess is in September 1854, which 
was abnormal in the proportion 35 to 1. The same month in 1832 was also abnormal, 
but only in the proportion of 4i to 1. The range of the year was in both cases 
abnormal; in 1832, the proportion being as 3| to 1 ; in 1854 as 25 to 1. 

Table V. gives a comparative view of the fall of rain during the periods under 
consideration. It is in this particular that we differ most from the values given by 
Mr. Glaisher, in his elaborate Report on the Meteorology of the Metropolis. In all 
that we have hitherto examined, our results are very similar to those at which he 
has arrived. 

In the neighbourhood of London there was a deficiency of 7 inches in 1832; 
here there was an excess of % of an inch. In 1849 the deficiency near London 
was -roths of an inch; here it was 214 inches. In 1854 the annual deficiency 
about London was 5.93 inches; here it was 957 inches ; a deviation, from the 
normal value, not likely to occur more than once in 27 years. 

In Table VI. is given the average monthly direction of the wind, found and re- 
corded according to a method known as Lambert's method. The normal direction 
is the result of 25 years observations. 

The columns entitled Northerly excess, show the deviation, greater or less, of 
the monthly from the normal mean. Reckoning in the direction N, E, S, W; when 
the monthly deviation is towards N, according to this progression, the + sign is 
prefixed ; if farther from N, the — sign is used. Thus in July 1832, the monthly 
direction is N 39° W, that is, 51° from W towards N, whereas the normal direction 
is S 68 W, that is, 22° from W toward S, therefore the monthly deviation is 
51° + 22° = 73° more N than the normal direction j consequently the sign + is 
prefixed. 

Again, in Nov. 1832 the normal direction is S 42 W, that is, 42° from S towards 
W; the monthly direction is S 54 E, that is, 54° from S towards E; therefore the 
deviation of the month is 42 + 54=96°; but as in the order of progression W ap- 
proaches N nearer than E, the deviation is distinguished by the — sign. 

During the severest period of the Visitation in 1832, it will be perceived that the 



60 The Meteorology of the Epidemic. 

wind had a decided bias towards the NW. The same also was perceptible in a still 
greater degree in 1854 ; but not so in 1849. 

The mean annual direction in 1832 and 1849 agrees nearly with the normal 
direction. In 1854 however the annual deviation is as much as 39° towards 
theN. 

Table VII. gives the relative amount of Southerly to Northerly, and of Westerly 
to Easterly winds, assuming the amount of Northerly and Easterly winds=l. 

The construction of this Table is as follows. The days on which the wind blew 
NW, N, NE, are reckoned N ;— NE, E, SE, are reckoned E ;— SE, S, SW, are 
reckoned S ; and S W, W, NW, are reckoned W. 

The numbers given in the columns of ratios, in the first half of the Table, are 
the number of days of S divided by the number of days of N ; and in the second 
half, the number of days of W divided by E. The normal ratio was deduced 
from 25 years 1 observation. 

The columns entitled " Proportionate excess" give the ratios which the monthly 
values bear to the normal values. For example, in January 1832 there was 2.57 
times more S wind than N; the normal excess is only 1.42 times; divide 2.57 by 
1.42, and we have 1.81 nearly. Therefore there was 1.81 times more S wind than 
usual in that month. When the " proportionate excess" is less than 1, it shews 
of course that there was less S or W wind than usual. 

This Table shews that in each of the three years there was a deficiency of S 
wind ; and in 1832 and 1849 a deficiency also of W ; but in 1854 there was the 
large excess of 4.37 in favour of W. In December of that year there was no E 
wind, therefore of course the ratio is infinite. 

Table VIII. contains the relative force of wind, the amount of cloud, and the 
indications of Schonbein's Ozonometer taken twice a day, at 10 in the morning and 
10 at night. 

The two former elements are mere naked eye estimates, and claim only a certain 
amount of relative accuracy. 

For the wind, our notation is from to 6 ; representing a calm, and 6 the 
heaviest storm. The normal values are the mean of 5 years 1 observation. Com- 
paring the numbers in the column of excess in 1854, it will be perceived that they 
are all effected with the — sign, shewing that there was a deficiency of wind 
in that year. 

In the plate shewing the progress of the disease in 1854, the value of one unit of 
our notation has been assumed equal to 60 miles of the Greenwich Anemometer, 
this being the result of several comparisons with the indications of that instrument. 

Our Cloud notation is from 0—10, the former figure representing a clear, and 
the latter an overcast sky. Here again the normal value is the mean of five years 



The Amount of Ozone. 



61 



observations. The column of excess, generally, exhibits nearly an equal division 
of + and — signs, but it will be perceived that the three months of Cholera were 
less cloudy than usual. 

Observations with Schonbein's Ozonometer were commenced during the last days 
of January 1854. Some few early experiments have been rejected, and our Table 
begins with February. The observation, as is known, consists in observing the action 
of the atmosphere on a piece of prepared paper ; whether after exposure to the air, 
the paper on being dipped into clean water exhibits any tint of purple, such as is 
shewn on a scale with which the observer is provided. The deepest tint is marked 
10, and indicates that no perceptible effect has taken place. Our practice has 
been to expose a slip of paper at 10 in the morning and to examine it at 10 at 
night, when another slip is exposed, which is examined at 10 the next morning. It 
will be perceived that in every case the paper exposed during the night was most 
affected. I draw attention to this circumstance without knowing whether it is 
usual, for I have no series of experiments at hand, made in other places. Care was 
taken, according to the precept given with the papers, to expose them as much as 
possible to the air, and at the same time to protect them from sunlight and rain. 

The numbers in the Table are monthly means, and consequently made up of all 
grades of tints. On account of the novelty of the experiment, it may be interesting 
to mention the days on which the deepest tints (9 and 10 of the scale) occurred. 
These were — February 1. 6. 17. 24. 

March 4*. 5. 8*. 

April 12. 17. 22 b . 

May 3. 7. 16. 21. 28. 29. 

June 2. 10. 

July 

August 

September 20 b . 

October 7. 8. 17*. 22. 

November 18 b . 26. 

December 3*. 14. 22. 25. 27. 
On the days marked with a *, the indication occurred between 10 am. and 10 p.m.; 
on those marked with b , both observations were affected ; in the remaining cases 
the indication occurred at 10 a.m., after the paper had been exposed all night. 
They occurred 6 times, when the wind was N. 

6 NE. 



E. 
SE. 

S. 

sw. 
w. 

NW. 



62 Meteorological Comparison of the three Cholera years. 

It only remains to examine the characteristics of the three years under consider- 
ation, in relation to occasional phenomena, such as snow, hail, thunder and light- 
ning, and Aurora Borealis. 

In 25 years, from 1828 — 52, I find recorded 253 days of snow, which gives an 
average of 10 days a year, nearly. The greatest number occurs in 1838, when it 
amounted to 24 ; the least in 1834, when it fell only on one day. 

In 1832 the number of days was .. .. 3. 

1849 9. 

1854 8. 

The number of days of Hail during the same 25 years was 94, giving an average 
of rather less than 4 days a year. The highest extreme was 8 in 1851. 

In 1832 the number of days was .. .. 0. 

1849 7. 

1854 12. 

The number of Thunder-storms during the same period was 88 ; giving an average 
of 3.5 a year. There is none recorded in 1829; 7 occurred in 1852. These are 
the extremes. 

In 1832 the number was .. .. .. .. 1. 

1849 4. 

1854 8. 

The number of days, during the same period, when Thunder was heard unaccom- 
panied by Lightning, was 90, giving an average of 3.5 a year. No occurrence of 
the kind took place in 1829, 1833, 1838, or 1840. In 1835 and 1846, it happened 
8 times. 

In 1832 it happened .. .. .. 2 times. 

1849 8 .. 

1854 4 .. 

The appearances of Lightning without Thunder do not seem to have been noted 
before 1840. From that time to 1852 the phsenomenon has occurred 47 times ; 
again giving an average of 3.5 a year. It was not observed in 1840, 1842, or 1848; 
in 1852 it was observed 13 times. 

In 1849 the number of occurrences was .. 6. 
1854 8 . 

The number of recorded appearances of Aurora Borealis from 1828—1852 is 28. 
The greatest number having been seen in 1852, when it amounted to 6. 

In 1832 the number was . . . . . . . . o. 

1849 2. 

1854 g_ 



Connection between the Meteorology and the Epidemic. 63 

The subjoined Table presents at one view the principal results of the preceding 
inquiry. 

Table IX. 





Atmosph. 
Pressure. 


Mean Range of 
Teniperat. ; Temperat. 


Amount 
of Rain. 


Direction 
of Wind. 


Force of 
Wind. 


Days of 
Hail. 


Thunder & 
Ligli tning. 


Aurora 
liorealis. 


1832. 
1849. 
1854. 


Abn. + 
Abn. + 
Abn. + 


Norm. + j Abn. — 
Norm. + ? 
Norm. + Abn. + 


Norm. + 
Norm.— 
Abn. - 


Norm. 
Norm. 
Abn. 


p 
Abn. - 


Abn. - 
Abn. + 
Abn. + 


Abn. - 
Norm. 
Abn. + 


Abn. - 
Norm. 
Abn. + 



On comparing the details of this Table the reader will not fail to remark how 
few similar features the three years present. In fact, the abnormal excess of atmo- 
spheric pressure and the normal excess of mean temperature, are the only con- 
ditions common to them all. The years 1832 and 1854 are both very abnormal, 
but in every other respect except those just mentioned, in opposite directions. 
Hence we might be led to infer, that meteorological excesses in either direction 
are equally favourable to the developement of the disease. But then how are we 
to account for its appearance in 1849, which viewed altogether, is by no means an 
abnormal year ? 

There is however one point which the Table brings out very strongly, that is, the 
extraordinary character of 1854. Except in the solitary condition of mean tem- 
perature, every thing is abnormal. Excessive in atmospheric pressure, and daily 
variations of temperature, deficient in rain and wind, abnormal in the direction of 
wind, excessive in the display of electrical phsenomena, — as if to complete a 
meteorological paradox, this same year, remarkable for the abundance of its harvest, 
was not less remarkable for pestilence and its consequent mortality." 



The relations between the Atmosphere and the Disease. 
It remains for me only to connect the Meteorological facts, philosophically set 
forth by Mr. Johnson, with what I have been able to collect of the relation of these 
facts to the progress of the Disease. That there is a connection between the state 
of the Atmosphere, or of the imponderable agents of the globe, and the existence 
of the Epidemic, is scarcely doubted by those who have carefully attended to its 
history ; and the Observations of Mr. Johnson, and those of Mr. Glaisher, confirm 
this view. I shall hereafter express my own hypothesis as to the part which it plays. 
What is the precise nature of the connection these skilful Observers do not pre- 
tend as yet to decide. Mr. Glaisher indeed states that he can by eye detect differ- 
ences in Mist, which he connects with various forms of disease. And various in- 

h a 



64 Fluctuations in the Amount of Disease, 

stances are recorded of the real or supposed existence of a " Cholera smell" in the 
air before its approach. Admitting these subtle discriminations of the human 
sense, we must confess that the matter on which they are exercised has not been 
determined by science. Both Mr. Johnson's Observations here in Oxford, and 
Mr. Glaisher's labours in the Metropolis, show the year 1854 to be abnormal. As 
Mr. Johnson has stated, 1832 and 1854 were both abnormal, but in different 
directions, as though a merely abnormal meteorological condition were sufficient to 
cause the pestilence. It may be confidently expected that the rapidly advancing 
science of Meteorology will, if another Epidemic be appointed to visit us, make 
clear which of the abnormal conditions are the essentials ; for the accurate observa- 
tions of several Cholera localities during another Epidemic will tend of course to 
prove which of the abnormities are universally present. 

The reader, on looking at the Diagram placed at the end of the volume, will 
notice that in Oxford there were three distinct periods of increase in the number 
of Cholera cases. The first from September 5 to September 13 ; the second from 
September 13 to September 28 ; and the third from September 28 to October 8. 
The Diarrhoea recorded followed neatly the same rule, as did also the Choleraic 
Diarrhoea. It would needlessly detain the reader if I were to enumerate in words 
the numbers which he can see more graphically presented to him in the Diagram ; 
but his attention should be directed to some coincident phenomena expressed by 
the sheet before him. 1st, it is truly interesting to see the way in which the 
general curves of the Diarrhoea, Choleraic Diarrhoea, and Cholera, followed each 
other ; suggesting, as far as one locality may suggest a theory, that there is some 
common agent concerned more or less in producing all three forms of disease. 
He should especially notice, for instance, how on September 18th, when there was 
a great rise in the Diarrhoea cases, viz. from 178 new cases to 226, this rise was 
coincident with the highest number of Cholera Cases in the second group, and with 
all but the highest of the Choleraic Diarrhoea ; though this is not always the case. 
On the 22nd the Diarrhoea Cases fell when the Cholera rose, but the Choleraic Diar- 
rhea was that day at its maximum ; it seems as though the cause, whatever it be, 
which produced Diarrhoea and Choleraic Diarrhoea, acted on that day rather with 
intensity on individuals, than extensively on the population. Again, the Diarrhoea 
fell from 118 new Cases, reported on the 27th, to 6S on the 28th; on this last day 
there was no new Case of Cholera. The Diarrhoea rose again to 115 new Cases on 
the 2nd of October, and the Cholera cases rose again to 9 new Cases. 

Were any Meteorological conditions noticed at the Observatory, as always 
accompanying these periods of fluctuation in the Disease ? 



compared with the Meteorological changes. 6-5 

Ozone *. 

Now, first of all, between the 27th of August and the 16th of October, which 
may be called the limits of the mass of the Disease, excluding a few outlying cases 
at the beginning and the end, there were, as has been just said, three periods of 
increase, and of course two intervening periods of diminution. Exactly the same 
thing happened with the Ozone and at the same period; with this difference only, 
that whereas the greatest amount indicated by the Ozonometer in the first period 
coincided with the worst Cholera day, in the two subsequent periods the maximum 
of Ozone followed the maximum of Cholera. Of these facts, assuming a connection 
between them, there may be two explanations, either that the rise of the Ozone 
caused the rise of the Cholera (the first group), or that the rise of the Ozone 
preceded or caused the subsequent period of Cholera disease. This last view is 
scarcely applicable to the second and third group, for, as I have said, the maximum 
of Ozone appeared while the Cholera was on the decrease. It need hardly be said 
that one such coincidence is insufficient to establish a connection, still less to shew 
its nature, whereas, on the other hand, it is quite impossible that the observer 
should not be struck with the fact of the coincidence of these four masses of Diar- 
rhoea, Choleraic Diarrhoea, Cholera, and Ozone. It may as well be added here 
once for all, that in the collection of the statistics of these cases of Disease, the 
Medical practitioners were wholly unaware of the nature of each other's returns, 
and that therefore, although the returns themselves may not represent with ab- 
solute accuracy the precise number of Cases that occurred, it is most likely 
that any errors, which may exist, mutually counterbalance each other, and that the 
curves really represent the actual course of the Disease. 

Thermometer. 

On the 8th of September, the centre of the first period of increase, the Tem- 
perature fell, and there was far less difference between the maximum and minimum 
of the Thermometer than on any previous day for a week. From that day to the 
13th the maximum rose again, the Cholera diminishing; but on the 18th, the 
centre of the next period of increase, it had again fallen. On that day, however, 
there was greater variation between the extremes of Temperature than on the two 
preceding days. The maximum of the Thermometer was on the increase on the 
day of cessation of the second Cholera period, but then the minimum the day 
before had been lower than on any day for three months. At the maximum of the 
third period the Thermometer was falling, and at the termination of this epoch it 
was again rising. So that we cannot predicate any one Thermometric condition as 
common to these three periods. 

* The Contour lines on the Map will show that the Observatory, where Ozone observations were 
made, is one of the highest parts of Oxford. 



66 Fluctuations in the Amount of Disease, fyc. 

Sain, Cloud, and Moisture. 
The weather was unusually fine, dry, and clear. In the first Cholera period 
and the third the sky was comparatively free from cloud, on the day preceding 
and following the lull in the Disease. After the second period there was no cloud, 
but at the next great lull, as in the centre of the second or middle period of in- 
crease, the sky was all but wholly overcast. Upon looking at the line formed by 
the degrees of moisture in the air, it will be seen that on the days preceding the 
two first Cholera periods the air had been becoming more dry, and, preceding the 
last period, more fully saturated. No rain fell on the maximum days of the two 
first Cholera periods, or on the day of material decline of the Disease, September 
27. But a little fell on the maximum day of the third period, and on the minimum 
day which followed it. 

Wind. 

Contrary to the opinion which has been gaining ground on apparently sufficient 
data, we do not find that a general stagnation in the air is a necessary accom- 
paniment of the Epidemic. For although on the central day of the last period of 
increase there was scarcely any movement of the atmosphere around Oxford, it was 
blowing fresh during the central period, (so fresh as to blow down the tents in the 
Field of Observation,) as it did also during the decline of the Disease. And the 
direction was by no means uniform. It was mainly northerly previous to the first 
period, south-west previous to the second, and northerly again previous to the 
third. 

Barometer. 

During the first and third Cholera periods the Barometer was steadily falling, 
and continued to fall for some clays afterwards. During the main central period 
it was steadily rising, and continued upon the whole to rise, excepting on one day 
of storm, September 24, until the day before that of the great lull in the Disease, 
September 28, when it was falling, as it continued to fall chiefly during the height 
of the last period. It rose again and fell an inch, in the fortnight during which 
the Pestilence died out. 

In concluding this comparison between the course of the Epidemic and the 
condition of the Atmosphere, we may in few words bring our statements into rela- 
tion with those of the Scientific Committee of the General Board of Health. 

The reading of the Barometer here, as in London, is shewn by Mr. Johnson to 
have been unusually high, as was the mean temperature, it being remarked by Mr. 
Johnson that these two conditions were common to our three Cholera Epidemics, 
and the only conditions, he states, that were so. With us, as in London, the range of 
Temperature was, this year, during a part, but not during the whole, of the Cholera 
period, less than usual. Of fog, mist, and haze, we here observed, I believe, less 



Treatment of Diarrhoea. 67 

than is frequent with us. If we had during the Cholera period two periods of 
calm, we had one period, and that the centre of the Epidemic, of very considerable 
movement. In fact, the horizontal movement of the one or two periods before 
and after the centre of the Epidemic exceeded that of any day in the previous 
ten weeks. And lastly, especial attention must be called to the fact, that with us 
there was a greater amount of Ozone shown on some days than on any previous 
day for eight weeks, and that the total value of Mr. Johnson's Ozone notation in 
the central week of the Cholera, September 17 to 24, amounted to nearly 37, and 
in no other week, for ten weeks, to 25. 

It is impossible to close this subject without the expression of a hope and firm 
expectation, that in some future Epidemic such observations may be made in most 
of the affected towns, as may lead to the realization of Mr. Glaisher's anticipation, 
quoted in the Scientific Report, that we may be in a condition " to elaborate a clear 
insight into the Meteorological causes'" of disease. This consummation is to be at- 
tained in no way but by the hearty cooperation of many persons for a common good, 
such as that which has now most kindly been given to me by Mr. Johnson. 



CHAPTER V. 

Treatment of the Disease in Oxford. 

From the experience which I had had in the Epidemic of 1849, and also from 
the knowledge that the Metropolitan Board of Health had undertaken, through a 
Medical Council of able persons carefully selected, to make a searching inquiry into 
the statistics of the Disease as it showed itself in London ; and also from the fact 
already adverted to, that the Epidemic was at its height before any adequate 
arrangements were made, I decided, at the time of my appointment, that no 
practical advantage, commensurate with the labour that would be caused, could be 
gained by an endeavour to obtain from the Practitioners of Oxford a detailed 
history of each individual case. But I thought it due to those Gentlemen, and also 
to the District to which they rendered their services, to request them at the time 
to favour me with a summary of their opinions and experience during the course 
of the Disease. 

The two following Questions were submitted to all who were engaged by the 
Oxford Board of Health. 

I. What treatment do you believe to have been the best for ordinary 
Diarrhoea ? Was there any treatment that seemed to you to fail on this 
occasion, which you had believed to be efficacious ? 



68 Treatment of Choleraic Diarrhoea. 

In answer to this question, ten Gentlemen have kindly detailed their plan of 
treatment. Of these all but one employed Opium with success. It was used in 
combination with Chalk by five ; with Sulphuric Acid by three ; with Astringents, 
such as Kino and Catechu, by two; with Calomel by two; and with Grey Powder 
by two. 

Dilute Sulphuric Acid in Infusion of Roses, with or without Sulphuric iEther, 
was employed by three : the dose of the Sulphuric Acid being in some cases one 
drachm every hour, or two hours ; in others less. 

When the above remedies had failed, Opium in a dose of two grains, Acetate of 
Lead with Opium, Sulphate of Iron, and Sulphate of Copper, have respectively been 
found successful. 

In one poor district Chalk Mixture with Opium is especially remarked to have 
been inefficacious : and, in this district, both the Medical men employed notice the 
success of the treatment by Sulphuric Acid. 

Rest in bed, restriction to pure water, iced water, or weak brandy and water, are 
especially noticed as signally beneficial. 

II. What treatment do you believe to have been best for Choleraic 
Diarrhoea ? 

In the treatment of the severe or Choleraic Diarrhoea, I find that of nine who 
have favoured the Board with an account of their method, seven employed Calomel. 
The remaining two relied upon, and were satisfied with, the effect of Sulphuric 
Acid. The Calomel was employed with Opium by six out of the seven : and both 
together simultaneously with Sulphuric Acid by four. 

With regard to the mode of administration of Calomel, the following facts should 
be recorded. 

In the County Gaol and elsewhere Mr. Wood found that eight, twelve, or fifteen 
grains of Calomel, with one or two grains of Opium, followed by Sulphuric Acid 
and Opium in frequently repeated doses, answered exceedingly well. 

Mr. Hitchings's Commentary on this medicine should be given in full. — 
" Calomel seemed to have a magical effect when given alone. In several cases in which purging 
was so continuous as to pass involuntarily into the bed, I found ordinary treatment useless, and in 
such cases trusted to Calomel alone, and to it I attribute the comparatively few cases of fully 
developed Cholera which occurred in my practice, taking into consideration the very large amount 
of Diarrhoea which came under my notice. In Gas Street there were but few houses in which I had 
not cases of Diarrhoea, not single cases, but every member of the family. I am sure I speak within 
bounds, when I say, that in that street alone I attended at least 100 individuals with Diarrhoea- 
and from my weekly return it appeared that I attended on an average 200 fresh cases per week, 
making during the prevalence of the disease about 1500 cases of Diarrhoea, while of confirmed 
Cholera I had only 45." 



Treatment of Choleraic Diarrhoea. 96 

Sulphuric Acid, either alone or with Infusion of Roses, was largely used in a bad 
district with evident advantage ; and in the general practice of another person, 
among all classes of society " it answered admirably," with or without ^Ether and 
Opium. 

One practical remark of Mr. Freeborn's, which would probably be confirmed by 
the experience of others, should be given. — 

" In cases where the cramps have been very severe, the skin cold, and the pulse small, feeble, and 
flagging, local applications of Mustard or Turpentine, or careful and well-continued Friction, with 
or without a Liniment of Chloroform, have seemed to do great good. I believe that in several of 
the cases under my care, the patients were on the point of falling into Collapse, but were rescued by 
well-applied Friction, which was fairly continued until reaction and warmth were established. At 
the same time Sulphuric Acid was administered in drachm doses every fifteen or twenty minutes.'' 



Now this summary does not record the result of my own observation ; and feel- 
ing sincerely grateful to my coadjutors, it seems but right that I should subjoin 
this in the form of commentary. In the first place, then, I must own that my 
opinion concerning the then state of our knowledge of the treatment of fully 
developed Cholera amounts to this, that there was no certain evidence that any 
drugs were of sure avail, and that it was only certain that rest, warmth, good 
nursing, and cold water, were essential, or all but essential, to any treatment what- 
soever. And I further thought that great harm accrues to the character of 
Sound and Comprehensive Statistics, that engine of medical science which, next 
to accurate observation and a correct nomenclature, is the most valuable of all, by 
allowing deductions to be made and to pass current from data wholly inade- 
quate. Of this I will give now a striking example. It had been impressed on 
my mind in the Epidemic of 1849, that, after all, it was probable that some kind 
of astringents would be found to be the true remedy in all stages previous to 
collapse, and I imagined that perhaps the best vehicle for these astringents 
would be some form of oleaginous demulcent. The day that I returned from 
abroad, Dr. Johnson's letter concerning the use of Castor Oil appeared in the 
Times. The statements as he furnished them gave but one conclusion, that no 
so valuable remedy had been before discovered, and statements from that amiable 
and accomplished physician were worthy of the fullest attention. I must say, how- 
ever, that I did not agree in the reason assigned. I believed that it was not the 
purgative, but the oleaginous character of the remedy that was of service. The 
■first three Cases that I saw in consultation, and my time allowed me to attend 
Cases in no other way, I recommended the use of the Oil, and it was administered 
as nearly as may be according to the directions he gave. In the first Case, after 

t 



70 Treatment by Castor Oil. 

four ounces had been given, the patient seemed better. There was more warmth, 
less vomiting, and less purging ; but I was alarmed at the quantity to be given, and 
on my own theory gave Olive Oil instead. It was equally clear to me that the 
substitution was unfortunate. After a few hours the Castor Oil was resumed, and 
the kind of improvement which he graphically described immediately took place. 
Several ounces more were taken with no very marked result. The patient neither 
rallied nor became more collapsed. The two kinds of oil were given alternately, 
but the patient ultimately died. It so happened that immediately afterwards, with 
the same zealous practitioner *, two other severe cases were attended by me in the 
same house. I never saw any cases (excepting intense collapse cases) that promised 
less favourably. They were both treated in the same way as the last, but both are 
at this moment perfectly well. My experience therefore of the Castor Oil is, that 
it is curative at the rate of two cases out of three, a conclusion, at variance with the 
larger statistics subsequently published by the Medical Council of the Board of 
Health. Should any one ask, Why, with that experience, I tried-. it no more? my 
answer is, that just as it was a duty to try it on the evidence before me, so it was 
a duty to desist on the data furnished shortly after, when this, method of treat- 
ment was examined and reported upon by the College of Physicians as decidedly 
undesirable. I have partly given this instance as thinking it a duty to record the 
facts ; but it must be borne in mind that it is quoted as an example of the falla- 
ciousness of percentages on small data ; and the scientific reader will, I am sure, 
hold me blameless for not attempting to furnish statements on the results of treat- 
ment in developed Cholera, but for referring him to the masterly Analyses of the 
Treatment Committee of the General Board of Health. 

The two other forms of Disease of which we have to treat, viz. Diarrhoea and 
Choleraic Diarrhoea, must not be so summarily dismissed. 

In ordinary Epidemic Diarrhoea, I believe with my brother Practitioners here, 
what is certainly confirmed by the Board of Health, that the proper, the safest, 
and the most efficient treatment is by Astringents. It must be admitted, however, 
that no Astringent seems to be uniformly successful in checking the Disease — even, 
that is, in curable Cases. And, further, I think that it is worthy of inquiry whether 
the same Astringent is equally efficacious at different periods of the same Epidemics. 
I am inclined to believe that in Oxford, both in 1849 and in 1854, the Chalk 
Mixture with Tincture of Catechu and Laudanum was the best at the outset of the 
Epidemic. But, further on, it was comparatively inefficacious, unless moderate 
alterative doses of Grey Powder were added — and, at the close of it, the Mercury 
was not only useless, but injurious — the best treatment being that noticed as the 
best at the commencement. 

* For obvious reasons the name is withheld. 



Treatment of Diarrhoea. 71 

In some cases, which however were comparatively rare, this treatment did not 
answer; the choice of the remedy was then difficult; but neither will our limits 
allow a full discussion of the relative value, as I understand it, of the various 
astringents, nor are my data such as to warrant it. But I must add this : I was so 
satisfied from what I saw of various cases, that rest in bed was necessary to give 
the fairest chance of recovery in a severe case of Diarrhoea, that in 1854 I used 
absolutely to refuse to attend even slight cases, unless the patients promised to go 
immediately to bed. Of the exceeding importance of this, I entertain no doubt. 
And I am satisfied, as far as medical evidence allows, that I have seen death accrue 
in more than one instance, from the neglect of this precaution in cases that other- 
wise would have done perfectly well. This remark applies both to cases of neg- 
lected Diarrhoea, and to cases that have improved under treatment, and have 
relapsed upon the patient's leaving bed at too early a period. 

I am bound also to add, that I have tried the effect of doing nothing in Diarrhoea, 
beyond using moderate stimulants, as is often the custom on the Continent. I do 
not say that this is absolutely unsafe, but I cannot advise it. In several cases I 
saw the Sulphuric Acid employed with the most marked success, in others it 
utterly failed. But the reader will have noticed above, that in one district the 
Sulphuric Acid was far more efficacious than the Chalk Mixture, with or without 
Opium. That was in an exceedingly poor district : the Cases where I saw it fail 
were those of persons in the upper classes *. 

With respect to the Cases of Choleraic Diarrhoea, I saw personally fewer than 
most of the district Practitioners. Concerning those that I did see, I think two facts 
worthy of record. First, that without expressing any opinion as to the rationale 
of the fact, I feel assured that five or ten grains of Calomel, with one or two grains 
of Opium, followed by Sulphuric Acid, or by a mild Rhubarb draught, with a 
• Carminative,' or stimulant, would occasionally act in a manner truly surprising. 
For instance, a maid-servant in a neighbour's house one forenoon was seized with 
cramps, constant vomiting, and had very frequent evacuations : the skin was hot ; 
urine was passed ; the pulse distinct. I saw her at 2 p. m., and gave at once five 
grains of Calomel and half a grain of Opium. A similar dose was given in two hours, 
and at 6 she had a Rhubarb draught with Aromatic Confection. In the evening she 
was easy, the evacuations ceased, and the next day she was well. Such a case, or 
several similar cases, prove no more than that the treatment did no harm, and that, I 
think, such a case absolutely proves. The judgment of the Practitioner who believes 
Calomel and Opium to be desirable in such a case, must be either accepted or 

* I am told by Mr. Palmer of Woodstock, that he has noticed this same fact among the poor of 
his district. This, if established, is pathologically interesting and suggestive. 

I 2 



72 Much is to be hoped from Medical Statistics. 

rejected at the will of the critic ; until such time as ample statistics collected from 
competent observers either confirm or overthrow the conclusions held by him as 
probable. In some cases of Choleraic Diarrhoea the Sulphuric Acid wholly failed, 
both with and without Opium. In the case of one of my own colleagues, when 
the Choleraic Diarrhoea came on to an alarming extent, it was tried for many 
hours without any advantage at all. The disease was arrested and his life saved by 
the Sulphate of Copper with Opium. 

These conclusions tally in the main, I am glad to perceive, with those published 
by the Board of Health. Of the value of the elaborate Reports and the documents 
published by the Medical Scientific, and by the Medical Council of that Board, I 
feel that though it were almost impertinent to speak, yet that I could not speak 
too highly ; they have great value in themselves, but they have a higher value in 
showing what may be expected of Medical statistics, when the State has fairly 
appreciated what benefit the people may obtain by an efficient organization under 
a competent Medical Commission. In the midst of all the painful uncertainties, 
and the crowd of unsolved problems that obscure the view of the reflecting physio- 
logist and physician, it is cheering to look forward, with confidence that the time 
will come when the applications of combined observation to medicine will establish 
irrefragably the truth of some propositions, and eliminate others into the region 
of absurdities. And one other advantage it may be hoped will accompany this — 
and the School of Natural Science in Oxford will help to bring it about — that 
the educated and upper classes of society will gradually learn so much of the phy- 
siological truths belonging to the extraordinarily complicated histories of organized 
beings, that they will lend their powerful help to the support of all that aids 
the establishment of such truths, will endeavour to discountenance all such error, 
and will learn that great medical truths are no more matters of opinion, ot 
which every man can judge, than the great practical questions that vex the 
Engineer; or than the great mathematical problems which are attained only by 
the life-long work of a few. 

Concerning the treatment, one word more must be added. No Medical man 
here, I believe, doubts the great danger of neglecting Diarrhoea, the facility with 
which it is checked in far the majority of cases, by the methods lately named, 
and its exceeding tenacity when it has continued for some hours or days. No one 
therefore doubts either the great importance of an efficient division of Cholera 
localities into districts most conveniently situated for each Medical Practitioner 
employed, the establishment of house to house visitation, or of open Dispensaries 
according to the character and density of the population, or the value to the com- 
munity, and in the end the saving of expense by such ministrations. But for the 
hearty and most willing labours of the Practitioners employed here in 1854. and 



The Causes of Cholera. T3 

the kindness of the Clergy and their coadjutors, it is impossible to say, when the 
severity of the Diarrhoea is taken into account, what increase of fully developed 
Cholera cases the City would have witnessed. The University being absent could 
neither share the risks, nor lend its aid. 



CHAPTER VI. 

The Conclusions. 

The previous pages have been devoted, as far as was possible, to a brief state- 
ment of facts. It remains, before altogether closing this Part of the Memoir, to 
determine whether we are justified in drawing from it any definite conclusions. 
Considerations on some special topics are therefore here presented to the reader. 

Theory of the Cause or Causes of the Disease. 

§. 1. The facts which have been advanced both as to the mode of origin of 
Cholera in other places, and in the Districts now under examination, and the appa- 
rent anomalies and contradictions which almost any of the usual opinions concern- 
ing its cause present*, induce me to state the Hypothesis which after very attentive 
consideration I have been led to form, from the knowledge which here and else- 
where has been within my reach. But first I must hazard certain statements which 
will probably receive general assent. 

1st, Diarrhoea always coexists with Cholera in any given locality, and is not 
communicated from person to person. 

2nd, Cholera may arise without the suspicion of contagion f. 

3rd, Cholera may certainly be conveyed from place to place by human agency %■ 

4th, It can scarcely be any longer doubted that the evacuations of Cholera 
patients are capable of communicating the Cholera ||. 

5th, It is quite certain that in the majority of cases, the Cholera evacuations do 
not communicate the Cholera. 

6th, It is quite certain that in localities apparently exceedingly prone to de- 
velopment of the Cholera, Cholera, which is imported to them, may not be 
propagated §. 

I think it is impossible for any one to consider these statements, without pre- 

* See a summary of these at p. 4, Dr. Baly's + Hailey and Witney, pp. 43, 44. 

learned, laborious, and valuable Report on the || See Dr. Budd's papers in the Provincial 

Epidemic Cholera, published by order of the Association Journal, October 1854, and Dr. Ali- 

Collegeof Physicians of England: a work worthy son's papers in the Edinburgh Med. Journal, 

of the Translator of Muller's Physiology. December 1855. 

t Case at Oakley, p. 42. § Case at Wantage, p. 43. 



74 The Population of Oxford very generally affected. 

vious bias, and with attention, without coming to the conclusion that not one cause, 
but more than one cause, must be in operation ; and that it is by the coincidence 
of two or more causes that the true Cholera is produced. 

General Phenomena of the Disease in the Oxford District. 

§. 2. This I proceed further to elucidate by stating the forms of the Disease, which 
I believe to have occurred here between August 1 and November 1. From the 
general survey of the whole City which, as Consulting Physician to the Board of 
Health, it was my duty to take, and from the necessity of giving almost my whole 
energies to any work in which I could aid the Board, or my Medical friends, I 
necessarily from the first looked at the progress of the Epidemic as a whole. No- 
thing could be more striking than to see how differently the population was physically 
circumstanced from what it ordinarily is. I do not mean to say that every person 
had Diarrhoea, or that every person was on the verge of Cholera, nor that every 
person was consciously affected ; but I do state as my firm belief, from what I 
learnt of the number of persons who were prescribed for by the Chemists, and were 
therefore relieved without being returned in the Reports, and from the remarks 
which were made to me, that far the majority were under some unusual influence. 
But what was this ? Was it Cholera ? Certainly not. Was it any thing like 
Cholera ? Not at all. Tt amounted sometimes to this, that a person ordinarily 
constipated, and taking an Aloetic pill daily before dinner, for the months of 
August and September and October did not need it, but did need it afterwards : 
that a person who had one evacuation daily had now two, being otherwise perfectly 
well : that a third had a sense of weight referred to the epigastrium : that a fourth 
had slight nausea; these last having no variation in the character or frequency 
of the excretions, as the two first had. I am as sure that there was no fancy in 
this, as I am that the population feels hot when the thermometer is 90° Fahrenheit. 
What then ? Is not this perfectly explicable by some abnormal condition of the 
surrounding atmosphere, or of the imponderable agents which act in some yet un- 
ravelled way on animal organisms ? Is it explicable on any other hypothesis ? Are 
there any other conditions common to a whole population than those furnished by 
these agencies ? And does not this tally exactly with the glimpses which Mr. 
Glaisher and Mr. Johnson have given us ? But then the effect is not Cholera, nor any 
thing like Cholera; nor is it conceivable, when we reflect on the various phsenomena 
which the whole history of Cholera presents to us, that Cholera can be only the 
development of an atmospheric state. 

In the Diagram which follows I have represented the extent and kinds of Disease 
which occurred in Oxford. Immediately after the Epidemic was over, great pains 
were taken to record the precise variations in the phases of the " Choleraic disease." 
This Table was then framed, and it was ascertained that it tallied exactly with the 



The Varieties in the Choleraic Phcenomena. 



15 



observations of some of our most active Practitioners. It need hardly be remarked 
that only the prominent characters, and not all the symptoms of each variety, are 
recorded. 

FIRST GROUP. 



Disorder often Unnoticed. 


Variety 1. 


2. 


3. 


Motions 
slightly 
more easy. 


Motions 
natural. 

Uneasiness 
in Epigas. 


Motions 
natural. 

Uneasiness 
in Epigas. 

Slight 
Nausea. 









DlARRHCEA. 


Variety 1. 


2. 


3. 


Slight 

Bilious 

Relaxation; 

Slight pain. 

Nausea. 


More 

Bilious 

Relaxation. 

No Pain. 

No 
Nausea. 


Bilious 
Relaxation. 

Fain in 

Stomach. 

Vomiting. 









Choleraic Diarrhoea. 



Frequent Bilious Purging. 

Severe pain in Stomach ; 

and 
sometimes in Limbs. 

Frequent Vomiting. 

Sometimes, cold surface, 
and feeble pulse, and 
death j 
Purging Bilious to the end 



SECOND GROUP. 



Cholera. 


Variety 1. 


2. 


3. 4. 


5. 

(very rare.) 


Rice-water 
Evacuations. 

No Pain. 

No Vomiting. 
No Collapse. 


Rice-water 
Evacuations. 

Vomiting. 


Rice-water 
Evacuations. 

Cramps. 

Vomiting. 
Collapse. 


Rice-water 
Evacuations. 

With or with- 
out Cramps. 

Vomiting. 

Urine wholly 
suppressed. 


No Evacuations 
passed. 

Intense 
Collapse. 

Death in very 
few hours. 

















76 Hypothesis of the Causes of Cholera. 

The varieties of symptoms here recorded are those which certainly were ob- 
served in this place ; the question is concerning the interpretation of them. No 
one doubts that in a Cholera period, 1st, persons die of Diarrhoea, and of Choleraic 
Diarrhoea, without passing into Cholera : and, 2dly, such Cases do oftentimes pass into 
Cholera. It is therefore right to examine most critically the confines or neutral 
ground between two Diseases, which are in themselves so widely apart, in their 
danger so unlike, in their relation to treatment so different, and which although 
so distinct do yet pass from one into the other, 

Now the hypothesis is, That the First group are produced by " Atmospheric in- 
fluence," (let the general cosmical conditions be so named,) without any specific 
poison ; and that the Second group are produced by the same Atmospheric influ- 
ence, as the first group, operating on discharges from the bowels, and producing 
a specific poison : the poison capable of acting on the individual who produced the 
discharges which can be so altered, or on other persons : the discharges innoxious, 
or incapable of communicating the Disease until so altered; but when so altered, 
either within or without the body, capable of distribution through the atmosphere, 
probably either in a dry or in a gaseous state, and of absorption by the lungs ; or 
capable of solution in water, and of absorption by the digestive organs. Or, more 
briefly, one cause (the Atmosphere) produces the First group of disease, and along with 
the disease an organic product, (alvine discharge), which is innocuous until altered 
by the very cause which produced it, and then it becomes the cause of the Second 
group : so that it might be theoretically, and perhaps truly, said, that if the cause 
which produced the Diarrhoea ceased before the discharges could be acted upon, 
then they would remain for ever innocuous. 

I have no desire to warp the facts which occurred here to prove the truth of this 
or any other hypothesis. Moreover, if the hypothesis be admitted to agree with 
the facts in this district, it need not of necessity agree either apparently or really 
with the facts in a more extended one. Yet the area of one county or of one 
Cholera district should furnish to the observer all the data for a correct induction ; 
the variations which would be noticeable between one district and another, beino- to 
be traced, not to different causes, but to different intensities in the mode of opera- 
tion of the same causes ; as, for instance, a greater degree of heat in one district ; 
of moisture and mist in a second ; of consequent Diarrhoea in a third; of evacu- 
ations converted into " Cholerine*" in a fourth; of altitude, or of ^density of popu- 
lation in a fifth ; and so on. The result of course would be a different order of 
phenomena resulting from the varying combinations ; as the phenomena of an 
Epidemic in India ; or of the outbreak in Golden Square in London. 

The reader will have noticed that the facts, even in our outbreak, are by no 
* Registrar General's Report on Cholera, 1848-9. 



Prevention of the Spread of Cholera. 77 

means reducible to any single or simple cause, unless we allow such latitude to the 
imagination as would make the attainment of any sound conclusion hopeless. For 
instance, few persons will doubt the connection between some Cholera outbreaks 
and the condition of the Water — as in our County Gaol ; or in the more extended 
districts elaborately and meritoriously investigated by Dr. Snow. How does the 
distribution of Cholera evacuation by Water works explain the case of the man who, 
in a remote country parish (Oakley), with no traceable communication with any locality 
affected by Cholera, falls ill, while at work in a field. Think of the life, habits, and 
general circumstances of a farm labourer in such a place. Then he goes home, and 
all his family are attacked. Any just hypothesis of Cholera must explain a single 
case like this just the same as it should explain the devastation of a city. Both of 
these cases are perfectly intelligible, if we assume that the atmosphere or its con- 
comitant imponderable agents produce on the whole human organism an effect 
resulting in Diarrhoea ; and then convert the product into an active poisonous 
matter or matters. It woidd carry this Memoir into an altogether improper length 
if all that can be advanced, either in support of or in opposition to this proposition, 
were discussed. It is sufficient to remind the reader of the ever familiar illustration 
of what is known of the mode of propagation of Small Pox, or the Vaccine Virus ; 
and of what is surmised of the nature of infection in Typhus, or in Scarlatina. The 
propagation of Cholera is probably more complex by one step than either of these 
diseases. It is tolerably certain that the poison of Typhus is a gaseous body, 
capable of dilution by and in atmospheric air, until it becomes perfectly innoxious : 
it is highly probable that Scarlatina is not merely a gaseous body, but a distinct 
organic matter not yet reverted to gaseous simple or compound substance. But 
these poisons operate at any time, though more powerfully at one time than another. 
Cholera operates only at certain times, and these times, or this combination of 
Meteorological circumstances, occur but rarely. 

There follows a great Practical and very Simple Conclusion from considerations 
of this nature, that it is important beyond all power of expression, to destroy with 
acids, or caustic alkalies, the organic combination of all Biarrhosa and Cholera evacua- 
tions, immediately after they have been passed ; and to apply the same precaution 
to all evacuations in any way resembling them, as I have elsewhere, in common 
with others, related *. 

* See especially Dr. Alison's paper above quoted, Edin. Med. Journal, Nov. 1855, with the 
references he gives. 



78 Mode of Spreading of Cholera in Oxford. 

On the Spreading of the Disease. 

§. 3. Two conclusions seem to be inevitable from this Epidemic, and both seem 
to be borne out by the history of Cholera in other places, both in 1854 and in pre- 
vious Visitations. 

I. That the cases may occur, as it is said, sporadically. 

1. That they may spread by communication. 

As to those that occur sporadically, it is generally supposed that there is some 
traceable cause connected with Sewage, Foul Water, or the like. But no such cause 
could be shown in the first case in Oxford, or in the Oakley cases, or in the Little 
Milton cases. But then the evidence is only negative in all these instances : there 
may have been communication by clothes or otherwise undetected. It is not how- 
ever easy to believe, that in all the instances of undiscovered communication there 
had been either unknown contact or intentional deceit. In all questions of this kind 
we are compelled, as in various other subject matters, to take as evidence the greater 
probability; and this being so, we must conclude as probable that Cholera often arises 
without any communication with infected districts. So it is to be believed it arose 
in the two first cases in Oxford. 

But, secondly, it is not to be doubted that it also spread in this district by com- 
munication. On this point, at the close of the Epidemic, the following question was 
addressed to the Practitioners who had been known to have attended Cholera cases. 
The most important of the answers are added. 

I. Can you communicate any facts which have occurred in Oxford, to 
lead you to believe the disease to be contagious? and in what manner do 
you believe it to have been communicated ? 

In answer to this question Mr. Freeborn states: — 

" On the 14th of September the husband of a laundress residing with her family, and carrying on 

business in Yard, the inhabitants of which had been perfectly healthy up to that time, removed 

to his house the blankets, sheets, and other clothes of a person who on the night of the 13th died 
of Cholera. 

" The neighbours, angry at the removal of the clothes into their locality, took off the handle of 
the pump, and so for a time prevented the laundress from obtaining water. The blankets were 
then burned, but in the course of the day the sheets, &c. were washed by her and a woman in her 
employ. 

" At 10.30 p. M. on the 15th of September, a child of this family, three and a half years old, pre- 
viously perfectly well, was attacked by Cholera and died at 10.30 a. m. on the 16th. 

" The surviving members of the family were immediately removed to the Field of Observation, in 
the hope of saving them, but on the 21st of September, an infant, about sixteen months' old, was 
taken ill and died. 



Opinions of the Medical Practitioners. 79 

" From this time a succession of cases of Diarrhoea, and one other case of Cholera, occurred in 
the same yard, and Choleraic Disease continued there until nearly every person in it had suffered in 
greater or less degree. 

" I can also bear testimony to another case, which occurred in St. Clement's, of a woman who 
washed the clothes of a Cholera patient, took the disease next day, and died." 

Mr. Hansard writes : — 

" Mrs. S. of Thames Street visited her brother J. R. in Floyd's Row, who was ill of Cholera. 
He died, and on the day of his death Mrs. S. was seized with vomiting and urgent Diarrhoea. This 
continued through the following day, ceased on the next, but returned on the 3rd. Collapse oc- 
curred, and though she appeared entirely to rally, she died on the following day. Her case was the 
first in the street, in which several cases occurred subsequently. 

" J. B. was attacked by Cholera in its most malignant form on Sep. 16, and died on the same 
day. Mrs. H. and Mrs. E., the two nearest neighbours, were frequently with him. On the 17th 
Mrs. E. was seized by the disease. Two of her children were also attacked : one died, the other and 
the mother had severe Choleraic Diarrhoea and vomiting. 

" Mrs. B., of Pollard's Yard, was attacked on the nth of September, and died on the 15th : be- 
tween which dates two of her children were attacked, both of whom ultimately died. 

" A. H. had had Diarrhoea for four days, when on the 13th of September he was attacked by 
Cholera. Mr. and Mrs. \V., living in the next room, were constantly in attendance on him. Mr. 
W. was attacked on the morning of the 24th, and Mrs. W. had an attack of Diarrhoea and cramps 
in the stomach. 

" Maria W., after nursing two cases of Cholera, returned home to die." 

Mr. Hitchtngs says : — 

" Mrs. L., who lost her husband by Cholera, took his clothes and bedding to New Hincksey, and 
then washed them, and exposed them in the garden at the back of the house. On the following day 
a child in the next house was taken ill, and subsequently seven others, living in the three houses of 
which Mrs. L.'s was the centre, were attacked. From circumstances of a similar kind which came 
under my notice in '40, I conceive that the humid exhalation from contaminated bedding is a most 
fertile source of propagation, or rather regeneration, of the Disease. In Mazey's Yard the air was 
quite oppressive from the smell of Cholera. At Hincksey I could detect the smell where a child had 
lain ill two days. 

" From such circumstances I cannot but think that by the removal of persons attacked from their 
habitations, the spread of the disease might be very much checked. Another reason why the treat- 
ment of cases in the town is objectionable is, that the evacuations are thrown into privies, which thus 
become, as it were, hotbeds of the disease. In Bryan's Yard the privy was already offensive and 
dangerous to health, yet into it were thrown the evacuations of eleven Cholera patients." 

Mr. Owen expresses his belief, founded on cases which have come under his own observation, 
that soiled Cholera clothes are especially dangerous when allowed to dry and then again disturbed. 

To these cases of presumptive dissemination of the Disease by means of commu- 
nication from house to house, and of communicability through the agency of clothes, 
within the town, must be added all the cases in the neighbourhood distinctly trace- 
able to intercourse with Oxford. The isolation of country districts makes them 

k 2 



80 Crowded Apartments increase the risk 

peculiarly favourable for investigations of this nature : the pertinent phenomena are 
more easily separated from others. There is very little doubt but that the two 
first cases in Oxford arose without previous communication with other cases ; and 
it is most interesting to observe that the first case did not give rise to any others ; 
it occurred in a superior house in a high and healthy locality. The second seems to 
be the nucleus of a nest of cases presently to be described ; it occurred in a low and 
poor house on clay. (See Plate 2, p. 21.) Such an instance tempts us to jump to a 
conclusion concerning the conditions which cause the spread of the disease. If 
instead of cause we say favour, we shall be right. The country district teaches the 
same lesson. Read the History of Witney. The healthy countryman of Hailey is 
poisoned in Oxford : goes to his open village, has the Cholera ; and recovers, and is 
at work now (1856*). The disease in Hailey ceases with him. The man of Witney, 
who takes the medicine to him of Hailey, goes back to his sewer-stinking alley, has 
the Cholera, dies ; and round him, as ripples that circle round a stone that plunges 
into smooth water, the Pestilence circled from his house round the alleys and low 
spots of Witney. 

The other place which adds its quota of evidence in favour of this kind of commu- 
nication is Garsington. The tragic history of this village need not be repeated here. 
(See p. 44.) 

There were two other classes of instances discussed at page 42 : i st. That 
wherein the Cholera seems to have appeared without previous communication with 
Cholera districts, and in which the Cholera, when there, did not spread ; viz. 
Albury, Little Bourton, Brize-Norton, Harwell, Lechlade, Window. 

This class appears of course to correspond with the first case in Oxford. 

2nd. The class of instances wherein the Cholera seems to have occurred without 
previous communication with other places, and did spread ; viz. Abingdon? Banbury 
Brill ? Little Milton. 

This class appears to correspond with the second case in Oxford. 

The district round Oxford then gives, as far as we can obtain it, evidence to the 
same effect as that given by the City, viz. that the Cholera arises both sporadically, 
and by communication. 

Houses not very bad a means of spreading the Disease. 
§. 3. Immediately connected with the last section naturally follows this. If per- 
sons are closely packed together, it is difficult, perhaps impossible, to decide whe- 
ther circumstances common to the individuals, or their contact with each other, is 
the cause of the appearance of many cases of Cholera in the same locality. For 
instance, consider the character of the dwellings where the seven Cases, that followed 
upon the second Oxford Case, were found. They occurred in six different families, 



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to the inhabitants, and to the City at large. 81 

all living under one roof. Under this same roof there were eleven Cases. Of the six 
families, two had two rooms each, and the remaining four families each one room. The 
families, it is true, were not large, in the whole not exceeding twenty-seven persons. 
But then the eight rooms they had among them did not stand on more ground than 
twenty-eight feet by eighteen feet, exclusive of the external walls ; they were placed 
on two floors, and each room contained about 740 cubic feet. In four instances 
there was no additional accommodation for each room; cooking, washing, living, 
and sleeping, all went on in the same apartment : two of the families had an ad- 
ditional room. It will be noticed therefore that among the four families with a 
sino-le room, there were 3040 cubic feet of air, including the displacements by fur- 
niture, stores, and rubbish : in other words, to each of the sixteen persons about 190 
cubic feet apiece. In the four front rooms, where the two families had each a living 
room and a bed room, there lived eleven persons. These eleven had each on an 
average about 260 cubic feet of air. But then they changed the air day and night, 
an advantage denied to the sixteen in the back rooms. 

Opposite is a plan of these tenements. They are described thus particularly be- 
cause they are not especially bad : an over-coloured picture of wretchedness destroys 
the purpose of him who draws it : many rooms in Oxford are far worse than these. 
There is an open street in front ; a passage at the side : a yard thirty-five feet long 
behind : there was a privy behind not specially foul ; a pump removed twenty feet 
from it. A privy worse by far was attached to an adjoining house, and there no 
Diarrhoea of note occurred. There is therefore here the one condition of too many 
people in too small space. This is, in plain words, life in poisoned air. 

The history might be more easily enlarged upon than, as is my duty, curtailed. 
Let it then only be repeated : this is not a bad house ; not a bad locality, as houses 
and localities are counted bad ; but it is a kind of house, and a kind of locality, and 
this is a kind of life, for those who live it, which begets eleven cases of Cholera upon 
two floors, built on a piece of ground about 28 by 18. 

The inhabitants of Oxford and the surrounding district are now in a position to 
calculate the chance of their safety in a future Epidemic, and to form an estimate 
of the propriety of adopting such preventive sanitary measures as experience and 
science suggest. 



82 Shortsightedness of deferring Preparations. 

Previous Preparation is necessary, and economical. 
§. 4. The noxious effect of foul water, the clanger of improper living, and the risks 
of imperfect nutrition as exemplified in Oxford, have been sufficiently dilated upon. 
One other circumstance remains to be noted. 

In this Epidemic several Cases occurred at our House of Refuge. This fact does 
not at all invalidate the value, or throw doubt on the necessity of such an institu- 
tion. It directly points to another moral. 

The Cholera came upon the City in a state comparatively unprepared : no 
Hospital was ready, till the Epidemic was at its height : no House could be hired 
for a Refuge. A large Field was obligingly granted by Mr. Brooks. This might 
have served its purpose well, but the thorough separation of the two establishments, 
and the procuring furniture for the Hospital, was allowed to take much time : no 
efforts on the part of the Lady and the Superintendent in charge could meanwhile 
keep the Hospital and the Refuge distinct. Indeed for several days there was but 
one privy for both departments, and that was on the side of the healthy persons. 

Moreover it was believed to be necessary that all work should be executed through 
the Workhouse. The Workhouse was to supply food, crockery, servants. It took 
time of course to turn a rigorously economic establishment into one in which the 
first elements, as well of efficiency as of economy, are, saving of time, and doing 
what is to be quickly done also in the best manner. We therefore waited two or 
three days, or even more, for what might have been had for a trifling sum within 
an hour in the Town ; as crockery, chairs, candlesticks, and the ordinary requisites 
of a sick room. 

These things will never occur here again : they are only now named for the 
sake of other places. We had to wait, at various times, for beef-tea for conva- 
lescents ; and more than once received it unfit for use. It was sent half a mile 
to the Central Police Office, when we might have had it from a respectable shop 
twenty yards off from it : and finally were obliged to set up a kitchen close by in 
the Town Hall. This result had been foreseen and stated : but the Authorities 
had felt themselves bound by the routine of the Workhouse, and it was only 
after failure that the obvious and efficient methods were admitted to be right. 
The circumstances of towns and districts vary. There is not one rule for all. At 
Witney, close by us, I believe that there was no failure even at the outset of the 
arrangements : the Board of Guardians from the first implicitly relied on their 
Medical Adviser, and energetically conducted their work, as I believe we did in 
the end, to a successful issue. 



Conclusions from the History of the Disease in Oxford. 



Summary of the Principal Conclusions. 

§.5. i. The history of both the City and the surrounding District unite in 
giving weight to the belief in the origin of Cholera without communication with 
other Cholera districts. 

2. Both the City and the District give evidence of the occasional communication 
of the Disease from place to place, and from person to person. 

3. They both lead us to the conviction that places, and attendants on Cholera 
patients, may enjoy a perfect immunity from Contagion. 

4. From the survey of the City, we are inclined to believe that this immunity 
is less probable in proportion as less attention is paid to the destruction of the 
Evacuations. 

5. Contact with the Evacuations is therefore exceedingly dangerous. 

6. The Hypothesis which refers Diarrhoea to the state of the Atmosphere, and 
Cholera to the metamorphosis of Diarrhoea Evacuations by and in that Atmosphere, 
derives support from these considerations. 

7. The poison of the Evacuations may be conveyed through the Air, or by the 
agency of Water. 

8. Therefore poisoned Water, though one means of spreading the Disease, is 
not the only means. 

9. For these reasons, and from the facts observed, we may conclude, and do 
assert, that crowded dwellings and imperfect ventilation are dangerous in the 
highest degree, during the prevalence of a Cholera Atmosphere, to those who are 
subjected to them ; just as they are ruinous to Health at other times. 

10. We must therefore conclude, that such dwellings, and such bad ventilation 
are dangerous, not only to the persons exposed to them, but to the whole District 
or Town which surrounds them. 

11. A low scale of Diet favours Diarrhoea, and a better Diet tends to check it. 

12. Occupation exercised no marked influence in this District, and indeed per- 
sons in easy circumstances were more attacked proportionally than night-soil men, 
who work mostly in the open air. 

13. The lower half of this City was most attacked ; but the lives of those who 
reside in the upper and drained portions are unquestionably endangered by the 
condition of the lower and undrained parts. 

14. Preparations for Epidemic Disease should not be left till the Disease ap- 
pears : there should therefore be Wards in every Town, proper for receiving persons 
suffering from such Disease. 



84 



Conclusions from the History of the Disease in Oxford. 



15. Common prudence suggests that these Wards should in Hospital Towns of 
moderate size be attached to and be managed by the Hospital : that in smaller 
Districts, as the law now stands, they should be under the control of the Guardians; 
and that in a few of our largest Towns, separate establishments may be founded for 
the purpose. 

16. Such habitual preparation is, if discreetly contrived, less costly than the 
arrangements necessarily resorted to during the emergency. 

17. All the known conditions for favouring the spread of Cholera existed in 
Oxford : some have been attended to and remedied : some have been neglected 
and are not remedied. All known local causes may, by systematic forethought, 
be either removed from the City, or anticipated, and guarded against f- 



t Any one desirous of prosecuting the inquiry 
suggested by this Part, should compare these 
Conclusions with those given at p. 214 of " Re- 
ports of Epidemic Cholera, drawn up at the de- 
sire of the Cholera Committee of the Royal Col- 
lege of Physicians, by Dr. Baly and Dr. Gull ; 
at p. xxv. of the " Third Annual Report of the 
Irish Poor Law Commissioners, under the Me- 



dical Charities' Act ;" at p. 48 especially, but 
indeed the whole, of the " Report of the Com- 
mittee for Scientific Enquiries in relation to the 
Cholera Epidemic of 1854, appointed by the 
General Board of Health ;" and two papers on 
the Exciting Cause of Epidemics in vol. xiii, 
1854, of the British and Foreign Medico-Chirur- 
gical Review. 



PART II. 

ARRANGEMENTS MADE IN OXFORD DURING THE EPIDEMIC. 



CHAPTER I. 

Arrangements adopted during the Epidemic of 1854. 

§.1. On August the 6th, a Case reported as genuine Cholera appeared in Walton 
Road, Jericho; it was fatal. Between that day and the 31st of August inclusive, 
5 Cases of Cholera, of which 2, were fatal ; and 5 of Choleraic Diarrhoea, of which 
all recovered, are recorded. 

On the 31st of August the Board of Guardians 

Ordered — That the Medical Officer of this Incorporation be authorized to employ such Medical 
assistance during the prevalence of the Cholera as he may think necessary, and that they he 
remunerated at the expense of this Board *. Also 

That a Committee be appointed to act in concert with the Commissioners as a Board of Health. 
That the Committee have full power to rent houses for the removal of persons from localities 
infected with disorder, and to supply medicine, &c. 

That the following Gentlemen be the Committee : viz. the Chairman (Mr. Carr), the two Vice- 
Chairmen (Mr.Cartwright and Mr.Boddington), Mr. Alderman Butler, Mr. Alderman Sadler, 
and the Mayor (Mr. Alderman Spiers), with power to increase their number. 

A meeting of this Board so constructed took place on the 2nd of September, and 
agreed to obtain the use of the field in Jericho, known as Brooks'' Close ; to con- 
vert a shed in that field into a House of Reception or Observation, with three 
rooms, properly floored, warmed, and lighted ; to erect in the same field one or 
more Tents as temporary accommodation ; and to arrange with the Street Com- 
missioners, that, whenever any case of Cholera occurred in the dwellings of the poor, 
the house should be immediately cleansed and lime-washed. 

Between September 1, and September 7 inclusive, 15 more Cases occurred in the 
widely-separated localities of Blackfriars'-road, Jericho-gardens, St. Clement's, on 
the River, Market-street, St. Aldate's, the Gaol, Hythe-bridge, and elsewhere. Of 
these 15 Cases, 12 were fatal, and only 3 ended in recovery. 

* In consequence of this resolution the Union Medical Officer (Mr. Wyatt) obtained the assistance of 
Mr. Hitchings and of Mr. Godfrey. 

L 



86 Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 

These facts were not then so rigorously known, but enough was known to excite 
well-grounded alarm. It was known that fatal cases had occurred in different parts 
of the City ; not in the lowest tenements, or filthy localities, but in its centre as 
well as its suburbs ; that more than one had been but of few hours' duration, 
and that one had occurred in a person of easy circumstances, residing for the time 
in a healthy locality. This mode of invasion was very startling. 

§. 2. Under these circumstances it was decided that the Writer should be invited 
to attend a meeting of the Board of Health, that the Board might consider with him 
whether any, and if any, what further measures were necessary. 

At meetings held on September 7, and the two following days, the necessity of 
prompt action having been admitted, the principles, upon which arrangements 
were to be contrived, were agreed to, and the mode of carrying them out was 
determined. 

These principles were generally as follows : — 

1. That, considering the prejudices which existed on former occasions to removal 
to a Cholera Hospital, (or Pest House, as it was usually named), ample pro- 
vision should be made for prompt attendance at the houses of persons affected 
with Cholera, or with Diarrhoea. 

2. That for this purpose the City should be divided into Districts. 

3. That Medical Attendants should be appointed to each District, in numbers 
proportioned to the probable wants of each locality. 

4. That it was to be desired that the Medical Men acquainted with and resident 
in the City should, if possible, undertake these duties. 

5. That for their aid, in a central spot messengers should be placed, who should 
convey either messages, medicines, blankets, hot bottles or tins, food, and such 
other necessaries as might be ordered. 

6. That a staff of Nurses should be organized to be ready at all times, their 
address being kept at the central station. 

7. That in each District there should be a Dispensary open at certain stated 
hours, and, if necessary, at all hours : and that in one central position a 
Medical man should be accessible by day and by night. 

8. That provision should be made for distributing with method rations for the 
Nurses, and necessary food and bedding for the sick. 

9. That accommodation should be provided at the Field of Observation, for the 
families of the persons attacked. 

10. That in default of other accommodation being attainable, in that Field, but 
separate from the healthy, convalescents should be received. 



Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 87 

ii. That whereas all Cases could not be treated at their own homes, either from 
the filthy state of the houses, or from their occurring in lodging-houses, public- 
houses, or other places peculiarly unfitted for such treatment, a Hospital must 
be provided for such casual Cases. 

J2. That such Hospital might be in or near the Field of Observation, though 
separated from the healthy inmates of the Field ; and that a special Medical 
officer should be appointed to superintend and regulate all the affairs of the 
establishments connected with the Field. 

13. That under this management all clothes of Cholera patients were to be 
cleansed, bedding destroyed, and such articles of furniture as were deemed by 
Medical Attendants proper to be removed for purification from Cholera dwell- 
ings, should be catalogued, examined, destroyed, or cleansed and returned. 

14. That for these last purposes an Inspector be appointed. 

15. That a staff of persons be engaged to regulate and arrange all matters con- 
nected with the burial of Cholera patients. 

16. That from time to time such notices as might serve to instruct or encourage, 
or warn the public, should be issued *. 



§. 3. In accordance with the above principles, discussed on the 7th, 8th, and 9th 
of September, various documents were issued. All arrangements were so far com- 
pleted by Sunday, the 10th, that at 7 p.m. of that day the House of Observation in 
the Field was in great part ready. The Medical Gentlemen were furnished with 
printed Instructions, and Cheque or Order Books, and attended their Dispensaries 
and Districts. Forms of Reports were prepared and sent in ; and all was done 
that could be desired for guaranteeing to the City that the Board of Guardians 
were determined to secure, by God's blessing, the public health, as far as they 
were able. 

Of the Documents issued by the Board, that dated Sept. 20th (originally printed 
in a bold type, on foolscap paper) is here given, as expressing in a brief form the 
general tenour of the working arrangements. It is hoped that they may serve as 
examples not unworthy of attention at a future time, or in other places. 

* To these principles should in future unquestionably be added, That the most urgent caution be 
given to all persons engaged about Cases of Cholera, that the Evacuations be buried with Lime im- 
mediately after they have been passed, to prevent the consequences to be apprehended from their 
decomposition. 

l 2 



88 



Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 



Sixth Public Notice. Oxford, Sept. 20, 1854. 

Public Health Committee of the Board of Guardians, of the Eleven United 

Parishes of Oxford. 



Among the Arrangements ordered by the Public Health Committee are the following :— 
It has been deemed desirable, for the purpose of allaying the alarm of the population in Oxford, 
while acknowledging the existence of Cases of Cholera in the City, to issue at present, in the name 
of the Committee, 

1 st. A General Statement of the Precautionary or Preventive Measures which the Board of 

Guardians have undertaken. (Sept. 8.) 
2nd. General Advice to all Classes of Persons, adapted from Instructions furnished by the 

General Board of Health. (Sept. 8.) 
3rd. A Statement of the several Medical Districts. (Sept. 9.) 
4th. A Summary of the General Arrangements for the care of the Public Health of the Town. 

(of which this document is a corrected re-issue.) (Sept. 12.) 
5th. A Caution against the Use of Castor Oil without Medical Advice. (Sept. 19.) 

Copies of these Papers may be obtained at the Town-Hall. 

The Committee sit daily in the Town-Hall, at Six p. m., to give information, or receive communi- 
cations on any subject connected with the Public Health, either given orally or by Letter addressed 
to Mr. Alderman Butler, the Honorary Secretary. 



Medical Attendance on Cases of 'Diarrhoea or Cholera. 
Medical Gentlemen have been assigned to Districts and to Dispensaries. 
They have been assigned to each of the Wards (as Districts) according to the following scheme : 



Central Ward. 


All Saints' 

St. Mary Magdalen. 


Mr. F. Symonds, Beaumont-street. 
Mr. Owen, Beaumont-street. 
Mr. R. Freeborn, Broad-street. 


North Ward. 


St. Giles's, and Jericho. . 
Summertown 

St. Thomas's . . . . j 


Mr. Tyerman, 5, High -street. 
Mr. Wyatt, Corn-market. 
Mr. Godfrey, Beaumont-street. 
Mr. Leapingwell, St. John-street. 


South Ward. 


St. Aldate's. 
St. Peter-le-Bailey. 
St. Mary.the-Virgin. 
St. John's. 


Mr. Hansard, 31, High -street. 
Mr. Martin, 4, Oriel-street. 


West Ward. 


St. Martin's. 
St. Michael's. 
St. Ebbe's. 


Mr. Hitchings, Oriel-street. 
Mr. Hyde, (Mr. Martin's), 4, Oriel- 
street. 


East Ward. 


Holywell. 

St. Peter-in-the-East. 

St. Clement's. 


Mr. Rusher, 48, High-street. 
Mr. R. Rusher, 65, High-street. 
Mr. C. Vincent, 90, High-street. 



Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 89 

Application may be made to these Gentlemen by poor persons suffering from looseness of the 
bowels at any time ; but for the purpose of more effectually, and more easily reaching the Cases that 
may exist, DISPENSARIES are opened in the following places : — 

At Mr. Wyatt's, (the Union Medical Officer,) Corn Market, open at all hours. 

The Radcliffe Infirmary, at all hours (by favour of the Board of Governors). 

St. Paul's School, Jericho . . . . 7 a.m. ; 7 p.m. — Mr. Hussey, Mr. Owen. 

The Vicarage, St. Thomas's . . . . 7 a.m. ; 7 p.m. — Mr. Leapingwell. 

St. Ebbe's School, Blackfriars' Road . . 8 a.m. ; 5 p.m. — Mr. Hitchings, Mr. Hyde. 

The Parish School, St. Aldate's . . 8 a.m. ; 7 p.m. —Mr. Hester. 

The Dispensary, Mr. "Wood, Broad-street 

(by favour of the Committee) .. 9 a.m.; 5 p.m. — Mr. Wood. 

St. Clement's Dispensary (by favour of the Charity Trustees) at all hours. — Mr. J. Hester. 

And at 8 a.m. ; 7 p.m. — Dr. Giles, Mr. J. Hester. 

If it be necessary, arrangements will be made for keeping some of these Dispensaries open for a 
longer time. 

Dr. Acland, as Consulting Physician to the Board, will give his advice and assistance in all the 
General Arrangements. 

The Medical Gentlemen appointed to the Dispensaries will give advice to all poor applicants, (and 
in any urgent case,) at the various Dispensaries specified above, and will either give Medicine at the 
time, or a Prescription which may be dispensed by any neighbouring Chemist. 

The Medical Attendant may give a written order on any Chemist, to send such Medicines, as he 
may think fit, for use at his Dispensary. 

The Medical Gentlemen assigned to Districts will attend severe Cases of Diarrhoea or of Cholera 
wherever they occur, with as little delay as may be possible; but inasmuch as there is a Dispensary 
in every District open Morning and Evening, there can be no reason why the slightest case of Diar- 
rhoea should be unrelieved for twelve hours. 

It is with deep regret the Committee have heard of Cases in which the poor have not sought advice 
until too late. All who can urge them to greater prudence are entreated to do so. 

Messengers are kept, day and night, at the City Police Office, and by a written order'' ad- 
dressed to them, the Medical Attendant may receive at any hour, through these Messengers, either 
A Nurse, Bottles ready filled with Hot Water, 

Hot or Cold Beef Tea, Blankets, 

or such other things as he may, in writing, with his signature attached, direct. 
Instructions given in writing will alone be attended to. 

* Medical Gentlemen may obtain Order-Books, Forms of Daily Returns, Tables for entering Cases of 
Choleraic Disease, and Dispensary Forms, at the Town Hall. They will find it convenient to write every 
Order or Note on the Business of the Board, on a leaf of their Order Book. 

NURSES. 

Persons desirous of being engaged as Nurses should enter their names at the Police Office, and, if 
possible, wait on Mr. Cartwright, at the Town Hall, on any day at Ten a.m. or Six p.m. 

A Lady has undertaken the General Superintendence of the Nurses while they are in attendance 
on Cases of Cholera. 



90 Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 

Nurses engaged in Cases of Cholera will be provided with food on sending to Mr. Boddington, one 
of the Vice-Chairmen of the Board of Guardians, at the Town Hall Kitchen, between Ten and 
Eleven a.m. or Six and Seven p.m. 

Every Nurse, when disengaged, is immediately to report herself at the Police Office, or she will 
not be again employed. 

In every Fatal Case of Cholera the Medical Attendant is requested, besides instructing the 
Nurse- to take the necessary steps for a speedy burial, to point out to her, if time permit, what 
furniture he desires to destroy or have removed. 

The Nurse will be made responsible for the removal of such things, by means of Messengers 
(who can be obtained at the City Police Office) to Mr. Clark's Close, adjoining the Field of Observa- 
tion. They will then be destroyed or cleansed under the direction of the Inspector. 

It is earnestly requested that in no case Clothes or Bedding, which have been used by Cholera Pa- 
tients, should go to any Laundry, other than that adjoining the Observation-Field. 

In case it is known that such articles are sent to a Private or Public Laundry, an Order will be 
issued fur their instant Removal or destruction. 

OVERSEER. 

For the purpose of ensuring the thorough Care of the Sick, and the prompt observance of the 
Orders of the Board, and the instructions of the Medical Attendant, an Overseer will visit the 
House of every Poor Person who is reported to have Cholera, as soon as possible after Notice has 
been sent by the Medical Attendant to the Town Hall, to that effect. 

This Overseer is under the immediate superintendence of Mr. Cartwright, one of the Vice- 
Chairmen of the Board of Guardians. 

HOUSE OF REFUGE AND FIELD OF OBSERVATION. 

In an open and healthy field, in the North of Jericho near Walton Well, there are prepared as 
• Houses of Refuge," 

ist. A large tent, well floored with thick boarding, for a day room. 
2nd. A substantial building, with fire-places, for sleeping Apartments. 

3rd. A building in which either Cases of Cholera or other serious disease occurring among the 
Families resident on the Field, or casual cases of Persons without a home, will be treated by 
Mr. Wyatt. 
4th. Adjoining to the Field, a Close for the destruction or cleansing of Clothes and Bedding. 

Communications concerning these Departments may be sent to the Inspector at the Field, or to 
the Union Medical Officer, Mr. Wyatt. 

In Cases of Cholera not fatal, the Medical Attendant may, if he think fit, suggest the removal 
of the convalescent to the Field of Observation. 

In all cases, the Medical Attendant may suggest the removal of some Members of the Family to 
the House of Refuge — that their lives may be more safe — and the dwelling may be less crowded. 
He will then deliver to the Nurse, or to a Messenger, an order to the Inspector at the Field of 
Observation, " to receive No. of the family of A. B., residing at into the Field 

of Observation." The Inspector will then send, if necessary, a proper conveyance for their removal. 



Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 91 

All persons so removed will be cared for by the Board of Guardians in all respects as much as the 
nature of the emergency will allow. Divine Service will be performed in their dwellings : and in- 
struction or amusement provided for the Children by Ladies who have offered their services for this 
purpose, under the direction of the Rev. R. Tiddeman and the Rev. C. Marriott. 

INSPECTOR. 

An Inspector has been appointed, who will be responsible for the due performance of all Orders 
relating to the Cleansing and Destruction of Articles sent to Mr. Clark's Close, and who will Report 
on the Daily State and Wants of the Field of Observation to the Board of Health. 

CLEANSING, &c. 

Mr. Ormerod'8 Sanitary Report, the Letters in the Oxford Herald on the state of Oxford, the 
Evidence given before Mr. M'Dougal Smith, and Dr. Greenhill's and Mr. Allen's Tables, furnish 
such a mass of information on the state of Oxford, with respect to the condition of its Dwellings, 
Drainage, and other Sanitary matters, that when the intimate knowledge of the subject which is 
possessed by various individuals, as well officials and others, as the Parochial Clergy, is taken into 
account, it must be admitted that at least the faults and the dangers of the several localities are well 
known. But any information, or special details of the condition of impure apartments or dwellings, 
and all nuisances liable to affect the Public Health, should be reported to the Chairman of the Street 
Commissioners, or to their Surveyor, Mr. Galpin, at his Office in the Town Hall Yard. It is very 
desirable that such recommendations should be made in writing. 

Medical Gentlemen are especially urged to give immediate notice of any rooms in which severe 
Diarrhoea, or Cholera, has occurred, and which they consider should be cleansed. The proper steps 
will then be taken to insure the abatement, or safe removal, of the evil. 

DAILY REPORTS. 

The Medical Gentlemen attending Districts, or Dispensaries, are requested to send to the Secre- 
tary at the Town Hall every morning at 9, a numerical statement, on a printed form, of the Cases of 
Diarrhoea, of Choleraic Diarrhoea, and of Cholera *, which have come under their notice in the day 
previous, reckoned from midnight to midnight. 

They are further requested to send immediate notice, in writing, to the Town Hall of every Case 
of Cholera when they first become acquainted with it, with the Age, Sex, and Address, and any 
Remarks they may think fit to append. 

By these means a complete Record of every case will be obtained and preserved. 

The Mayor has placed a separate room in the Town Hall at the disposal of the Medical Gentlemen 
of the Town. 

Information concerning these or other arrangements of the Board may be obtained from the 
Chairman of the Board of Guardians, Mr. Carr ; the Honorary Secretary, Mr. Alderman Butler ; 
Dr. Acland ; Mr. Wyatt, the Union Medical Officer ; or from the Committee, at Six p. m. daily, 
at the Town Hall. 

On behalf of the Committee, 

W. H. BUTLER, Hon. Sec. 

* It is requested that this may include all Cases, whether among the poor or otherwise : but if any Medical 
Gentleman prefer to enter only those prescribed for on account of the Board of Guardians, he should enter on 
his daily return " exclusive of Private Cases." 



92 Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 

The Form of Daily Report sent in by the Medical Attendants is here given. 
DAILY REPORT OF CASES OF DIARRHfEA, CHOLERAIC DIARRH(EA, & CHOLERA. 



Cases of Diarrhoea prescribed for by me to day 
Cases of Choleraic Diarrhoea 
Cases of Cholera 

Deaths from Diarrhoea 

Deaths from Choleraic Diarrhoea 

Deaths from Cholera 

(Signed) 



1854. 



The Form of Weekly Summary furnished at a later period follows : it is neces- 
sarily printed here in a reduced size. 

Oxford, 1854. Cases of Choleraic Disease occurring in the practice of Mr. between 

Sunday, the , and Saturday, the , inclusive. 

If any Case dies or recovers subsequently to this Week, enter in the next Week " No. ," " Dead," or 













" Recovered," with the Date. 








No. 

of 

Cases. 


Date. 


NAME. 


Sex. 
M. or F. 


Age. [Occupation 


Residence. 


Whether Chole- 
raic Diarrhoea, 
or Collapse. 


Whether Pre- 
monitory Diar- 
rhoea, or other 
symptoms. 


Result, 
with Date. 


Remarks, or 
Treatment. 

























Signature. 

Notices of new Cases were transmitted to the Committee Room at the Town Hall 
the instant that they were known. In this manner the Board, and the Physician 
to the Board, the Inspectors and Messengers, were kept informed of the locality 
of each Case as soon almost as it occurred. Books containing thirty Cheques of the 
following form were issued for this purpose. 

I have just seen the following new Case of Cholera, or Choleraic Diarrhoea ; — 



Name 



JAge 



Residence 



Day or Hour \ 
of Seizure J 



Remarks 



Dated 



Signature 



Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 



93 



Permission was given to all Medical Attendants to obtain Medicine from any 

Chemists. The prescriptions were written, and orders were issued to the Kitchen, 

to Messengers, and others, only on a leaf of Cheque Books, of which the following is 

a facsimile *. 

im§ji On Account of the Board of Guardians. 
Name. eSs** ' 

We 

Name. 



Date. 




Date. 



Signature. 



* The covers of these two Cheque Books were of wholly different colours and materials. (In cases of this 
kind, where many persons were engaged, regularity must be observed. No orders would be acknowledged in 
vouchers which were not in the authorized orders; and the respective books were easily distinguishable 
at night.) 

To these may be added the form of Daily Summary. One actual Return is here 
reprinted, half the original size. 

MEDICAL REPORTS. 



Daily Return of Cases — of Diarrhasa — of Choleraic Diarrhoea — and Cholera. 
Monday, 18th September, 1854. 



RECEIVED FROM 


NEW CASES. 


OLD CASES. 


DEATHS. 


REMARKS. 


§ 
.a 

s 


'3 B 
§ -3 

si 

00 


a 
5 


a 
8 
-a 

5 


a 
jjjj 

QQ 




D. 


CD. 


C. 


Mr. A 

— B 

— c 

— D 

— E 

— F 

— G 

— H 

— I 

— J 

— K 

— L 

— M 

— N 

— O 

— P 

— Q 

— R 

— S 


20 
5 

32 

29 
6 
7 

20 
7 
7 

10 
3 

19 
6 

14 
2 

13 
2 
5 


1 

3 
1 

i 

4 


5 


1 

2 


21 

5 

25 

13 

16 

3 

10 

2 

2 

8 
13 

5 
35 

2 

2 
6 
6 
1 


2 

3 
1 

1 

1 










1 


Total. 

Under Treatment. 

New . . . . D 207 

— .... CD... 10 

— .. .. D 10 

Old . . . . D 175 

— .... CD.... 8 

— .... C 18 




207 


10 


10 1 175 


8 


>8| 






1 


428 



94 Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 

One of the Weekly Summaries also is appended. 

MEDICAL REPORTS. 



Weekly Return of Gases — of Diarrhoea — of Choleraic Diarrhoea — and Cholera. 
Sunday to Saturday, 23rd September, 1854, inclusive. 



RECEIVED FROM 


NEW CASES. 


OLD CASES. 


DEATHS. 


REMARKS. 


8 

1 

5 


'11 

5a 


g 

"o 

O 


cS* 

S 

3 


Choleraic 
Diarrhoea. 

Cholera. 


D. 


CD. 


c 


Sunday, 17th Sept. 
Monday, 18th . . 
Tuesday, 19th 
Wednesday, 20th 
Thursday, 21 st .. 
Friday, 22nd 
Saturday, 23rd 

Under Treatment and 1 
Deaths . . . . J 

Discharged or Cured. . . . 


178 
207 
167 
1C5 
176 
141 
150 


9 
10 

3 
10 
10 
13 
10 


9 
10 

7 
7 
4 
9 
4 


150 
175 
168 
171 
151 
140 

137 


4 
8 
13 
12 
11 
13 
9 


11 
18 
24 
23 
24 
27 
30 




2 


2 
1 
3 

4 
1 
5 
5 


Under Treatment 361 
428 
382 
388 
376 
343 
340 

Saturday. 
Under Treatment 340 
Deaths 24 

364 


1184 
05 
50 


65 


50 








1 


2 


21 


1299 
364 


935 



It would be useless to reprint and tedious to read any more of the Notices, or 
describe in detail the minuter arrangements which were found to be desirable or 
necessary. But on the following points some information should be recorded, 
concerning, 

1st. The General Distribution of the Medical Attendants. 

2nd. The Field of Observation. 

3rd. The Management of the Nurses. 

4th. The Distribution of Food. 

5th. The Care of the Clothes and Bedding of the Sick. 

6th. The Arrangements of the Central Police Office. 

Distribution of Medical Attendants. 

§. 4. It was laid down as a principle that there should be a systematic organization 
of Medical Attendants, together with Nurses, fed by the Board, who should take 
immediate charge of Cases among the poor, at their own homes: while those only 
should be advised to remove to the Hospital, whose forlorn or filthy state, or whose 



Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 95 

peculiar circumstances, rendered it imperative. Though knowledge on these points 
is now very widely diffused, it may not be amiss to quote here the words of the 
instructional Minute of the General Board of Health of 1854. 

" The General Board have rather discouraged the multiplication of Hospitals for the reception 
of Cholera Cases. Experience has shewn that whenever a person is struck with premonitory Diar- 
rhoea or Cholera, it is particularly desirable to keep the patient warm and strictly quiet, in bed, if 
possible, and to apply the proper remedies on the spot. Numerous Cases have occurred where the 
exhaustion, consequent on the removal of a patient in the early stages of the disease, has brought on, 
or greatly accelerated, a fatal Collapse. It will, however, be right to appoint some hospital accom- 
modation for those who may be taken ill in the streets, or at a distance from home, or who live in 
crowded and unhealthy rooms, in which the proper remedies for the disease cannot be applied. The 
hospitals should be well ventilated, and well drained, and should be near the epidemic locality with- 
out being in it. Whenever there is a general hospital in the town, conveniently accessible arrange- 
ments should, if possible, be made with the authorities for the reception of necessitous cases." 

This opinion coincides with the experience of various Medical Practitioners here. 
The subject has been carefully discussed in Dr. Greenhill's Memoir on the Epidemic 
Cholera in Oxford * ; and the perusal, I think, of his investigation, and of other 
commentaries on the same subject, will convince a candid inquirer that, as was 
done in Oxford during the Epidemic now under consideration, provision should be 
made for attending with equal care in nursing the poor at their own homes, and 
also for removing certain of them to hospitals situated at easy distances from the 
poorer districts. 

As is remarked by Dr. Greenhill, the best locality in Oxford for the western 
districts would without question be the Infirmary ; but unhappily the Governors 
saw fit to decline to afford to the City the needed accommodation in 1849, and in 
1854 there was no time to reopen the question ; and the Board of Health was driven 
to the alternative of obtaining or erecting for the third time temporary buildings. 
As will be hereafter more fully stated, it is to be hoped this difficulty, waste, and 
injury may not again be brought upon the City. 

It was then determined, 1st, to divide Oxford into Districts, the same Districts, 
or nearly the same, as those adopted in 1849, and to make the necessary arrange- 
ments for providing with Nurses, properly superintended and cared for, every case 
which required such aid. 2nd, to place the temporary Hospital at the Field under 
the care of one Medical Man, who was empowered and required to have an 
Assistant. 

It will not be without its purpose to record two methods by which Districts may 
be attended under these circumstances. 

The one, by the appointment of young men, or strangers, who have no other 

* Appendix A. p. 44. Greenhill and Allen's Oxford Tables, &c. 

M 2 



96 Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 

occupation, and who being untrammelled by private practice, will be able to give 
more time for less remuneration than other persons, or residents. The other, by 
engaging the services of the Practitioners of the Town generally, who, inasmuch as 
they have other avocations, must be either paid less than the former class ; or else, 
being necessarily more numerous, to ensure equal attention, must cost more. Now 
for three plain reasons, the latter was recommended to the Board, ist, because 
the poor would have more confidence, in most instances, in those whom they know 
than in strangers. 2nd, because the great local knowledge and personal acquaint- 
ance with the poor, their dwellings, and their ways, give to residents corresponding 
advantage in meeting a great emergency, soon to pass away. 3rd, because (though 
an argument of less weight) it is a manifest injustice to engage the services of 
strangers, while resident Professional Men of worth and experience, are willing to 
devote their skill and their energies to the public service. 

Such numbers, then, were appointed to each District as were deemed to be suffi- 
cient. The numbers varied frequently. Constant attention to the fluctuation of 
the Epidemic shewed where more help was needed, and where needless strength was 
applied. And it may be confidently stated (if any desire to know it) that extreme 
care was taken to control, in this so necessary department, every unnecessary 
expenditure. 

In every District a Dispensary was opened evening and morning. The Union 
Medical Officer was directed to obtain an Assistant, and to keep an open Dispen- 
sary at his house, in the centre of the town, night and day. 

In St. Clement's also the kindness of the Charity Trustees maintained a con- 
stantly open Dispensary: the same was the case at the Infirmary, and at the Oxford 
Dispensary in Broad-street. 

The Names of the Districts and the Dispensaries, with the Gentlemen who 
undertook the charge of them, will be found at p. 88. 

The sum agreed upon as to be paid for a District was £1 is. daily as an 
average payment. If the work were heavy, it was understood this might be in- 
creased ; if very light, that it would be diminished. The Dispensaries were fixed 
at half a District, or at £3 13s. 6d. weekly. 

It will be seen how much labour was bestowed by the Medical Attendants, when 
it is stated that the cost of medicine at the Chemists, whose charges were most 
moderate, (about id. an oz. for mixtures, and on the same scale for other things,) 
amounts to about half the whole cost of the Medical Staff. 

The Medical Staff were wont to meet at the outset of the Epidemic every 
evening, and afterwards by written notice. A room was provided in the Town 
Hall ; and it is hardly to be doubted that the trifling arrangement of allowing tea 
to be in the room, and taken without expense by those who desired it, helped 



Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 97 

to ensure the perfect good humour and kindly feeling which prevailed on every 
occasion. This would not be recorded here, but that the world has yet to learn 
in many things when it is well to maintain, and when it is better to dispense with, 
form and discipline. And it may be safely asserted, that in every class of life 
where hard service is required, a reasonable attention to the comfort and ease of 
those concerned is repaid a hundredfold by the elasticity it imparts, and the sense 
of sympathy which it evokes. On some of these occasions half the persons present 
might have scarcely rested for 24 hours before the meeting. One District Officer 
was called out every night but three out of 49, and in one night seven times. 
More than once he had severe Diarrhoea, and he was at one period in graver risk 
from exhaustion. These facts are of the Writer's knowledge, and may tell per- 
chance to some, who have not so thought before, the labours of the Poorer Medical 
Men — aye, let not the word be cavilled at — among the Poor. 

Field of Observation. 

§. 5. It will be unnecessary to enter into any special details concerning the Field 
of Observation, because it is hoped that the Arrangements which were recommended 
in 1854 for this department will not in any future Epidemic be required. And this 
is the more fortunate, since of the several departments provided in the emergency 
of 1 854, those placed in the Field are looked back upon with the least satisfaction ; 
and their management cannot be referred to as a model for future imitation. 

For the reasons stated above, (p. 94) it had been decided to make arrangements 
for treating the sufferers at their homes : still it was certain that casual cases of 
extreme destitution, or of extreme filth, would be met with, and that with these 
such a course was impossible : for such cases a portion of the Field containing 
a building that could be appropriated to the wants of a small Hospital was set 
apart. Here also it was decided to place the temporary laundry, for examining, 
washing, and purifying clothes and bedding. A storeroom was prepared for the 
things that had been cleansed, and a shed erected for the reception of the dead. 

Unhappily no house could be obtained in or out of Oxford for the reception of 
Convalescents from Cholera. Neither the building employed in 1832, nor that of 1849, 
nor any other could be had. Of necessity therefore the convalescents were received 
in the Field. But the Chairman of the Board of Guardians was able to obtain 
from Mr. Clark the use of a Close, separated from the Field only by a garden. 
A passage was made through this garden. The healthy were transferred to 
Mr. Clark's Close, and the whole of the Field of Observation was appropriated for 
the Hospital and the convalescents. 

That on a future occasion, if in God's Providence such recur, previous arrange- 



98 



Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 



merits should have been made for the Hospital, the convalescent, and the healthy 
in separate localities, is to be earnestly desired. 

But if we cannot look on the material condition of this department with entire 
satisfaction, we may, it is believed, affirm that very much was done for the moral 
improvement of the inmates. 

The Chaplain of the Workhouse, the Rev. J. Tiddeman, and the Rev. Charles 
Marriott, either or both were daily among the sick, the recovering, and those yet 
in health. Prayers were read at least once a day ; books were freely given ; and 
an estimable lady who, with more constancy than prudence could approve, and 
more energy than a woman's strength could long endure, was by day and by night 
among the people, superintended all the arrangements, and provided, to the best 
of the means allowed to her, for all their wants : in all leisure moments, with the 
help of her friends, she taught the children, not only by the teaching of books, and 
of needlework, but by the persuasion of games, and by the discipline of cleanliness, 
often not less necessary than unpalatable. Nor in these rude and temporary con- 
trivances was a lesser but an important act forgotten : the cheerful decoration of 
flowers and of pictorial illustrations was provided at the Hospital and the other 
buildings ; and an attempt was made to remove the horror of the pest house, by 
such means as we in this country, alas ! are daily proved to understand so much less 
than any Continental people. 

May these orderly habits, and the nightly prayers and the hymns of the infants, 
be transplanted to some widowed and fatherless homes, where they were not known 
before ! While these acts of strength and love spring up in time of need, let none 
be heard to doubt the practical powers and noble nature of English women. 

The Nurses. 

§. 6. One consequence of the decision that Medical Attendance shall be provided 
at the houses of the poor is, that Nurses must be engaged, and that they should be 
accessible as readily as the Medical Staff. 

This was done as follows : 

In the Police Office, which is near the Town Hall and in the most central 
locality, a list was kept of all the respectable women who were willing and able to 
nurse in Cholera houses. Their names had been furnished mainly through the 
local knowledge of the Parochial Clergy. The list was arranged thus. 



Name. 


Addres9. 


Gone out. 


Returned home. 


Qualifications and 
Remarks. 


Anne 
Walker. 


19, Osney Lane. 


To Mrs. W. . . . 
84, Speedwell St. 




An excellent Nurse. 
A. B. 

Surgeon. 



Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 99 

There was no lack of Nurses but on one day. The wages were is. 6d. daily, or 
jos. 6d. weekly. After they had nursed three nights, they were allowed a day's 
rest, or the option of going out again to nurse. Eations were given to them every 
day. A cook was kept at the Town Hall to prepare them. The allowance was, 

i lb of Cooked Meat. i lb of Bread. i Bottle of Ale. 

2 ounces of Butter. 1 ounce of Sugar. Half an ounce of Tea. 

Except by Medical order, no brandy was allowed. 



When a new Case of Cholera was announced, in the house of any poor person, a 
Messenger from the Police Office proceeded to the house of a Nurse " returned 
home," and sent her to the place at which her help was required. It was then the 
business of an Inspector, Conde, an old Waterloo soldier, to go there, to ascertain 
whether the interior economy of the house was such that the order of the Medical 
Attendant could be followed. If not, his duty was to forward from the Police 
Office the deficiency : food, bedding, blankets, hot bottles, &c. 

And lastly, because the most important, a lady, (who desires her name to be with- 
held,) visited daily every house (within a certain area) to instruct the Nurses, to 
comfort the sick, to cheer the disconsolate ; and, where need was, herself to supply 
a sudden emergency, or to relieve a wearied attendant. By day and by night she 
plied this task, and when she rested, or where, — as long at least as she knew of a 
house where disease had entered, — is known to herself alone. 

Over the whole of these arrangements Mr Cartwright, Deputy Chairman of the 
Board of Guardians, presided ; he received the Reports of the Inspector, who gave 
a list of the daily state of affected houses ; he paid the wages, engaged or dismissed 
the Nurses, and shewed in all his transactions the power of blending acute business 
habits with a most benevolent humanity. 

Distribution of Food. 

§. 7. Oxford is a small town: it numbers but 27,000 inhabitants: it claims among 
its residents, if not many individuals possessors of great wealth, yet a singularly large 
proportion of disinterested, benevolent persons, of easy circumstances according to 
their condition. It has a zealous body of parochial clergy, and excellent institu- 
tions for various purposes and ends of charity. It cannot therefore have many 
destitute families; for few are unknown, and to be known is to be in some sort 
cared for. It has no great manufactures to make a press of work and a profusion 
of wages now, and a failure of both then ; but yet it has many poor, and a painful 
proportion of those to whom life is an ever sad struggle for maintenance, to the 



100 Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 

degree and in the station wherein they have to work their life, with its history, its 
course, and its close. 

In other words, we have here as elsewhere our rich and our poor — yet not too 
many of the former ; our wise and our foolish ; our provident and improvident ; 
our pattern men and women, our drunkards and degraded ; our luxury and our 
want ; our Colleges and our alleys of filth ; our enlightened and large-hearted 
philanthropists, to whom this world is a contemplation and their life a prayer ; 
and our families, which through wilful sin, unsought misfortune, or continued sick- 
ness, find their labour or their folly a bitterness, and their life despair. 

But within and beside this general view, there is one circumstance which neces- 
sarily causes much inconvenience and some distress to our labourers, and the 
smaller tradesmen, and so even up to persons of higher pretensions, — the length of our 
Vacations. The chief work of the town depends on the fact that it is a University 
town, and the absence of the University for four summer months is at times a 
grievous thing. 

In the previous winter, 1853 — 1854, prices were high; less than usual was saved 
by even thrifty persons ; the Long Vacation was come ; many we know who, 
shrinking from public gaze, would ask no help ; and many more (who had parish 
relief, or who were in daily risk of requiring its poor pittance) had certainly not 
sufficient food to strengthen them against the chances of disease in an infected 
locality. It would be useless here to relate any of the many instances, known to 
physiologists, of that which few doubt, the proneness to succumb to disease under 
circumstances depressing to either body or mind. The Writer, therefore, having 
considered these several circumstances, empowered the Parochial Clergy to give 
orders for cooked meat, to all persons who, living in spots where Diarrhoea pre- 
vailed, were believed to need it *. The kindness of Dr. Pusey placed the kitchen 
at Christ Church at his disposal for this purpose ; but it was shortly after found 
that the supply did not reach all the districts affected with Diarrhoea, and there- 
fore in addition to the gift of roast meat at Christ Church, and afterwards at 
Worcester College, and of uncooked meat in part of St. Ebbe's parish, it was 
decided to prepare at the Town Hall strong mutton broth, each pint containing 
about ten ounces of meat, and to authorize all the Medical men employed by the 
Board of Health, to order such quantities as they thought fit for the families of 
the sick poor whom they saw. The quantity of meat so given away was, after all, 

* It was considered improper for the Board nearly enough to defray all the expenses in- 
to undertake this. If done, therefore, it was to curred. The Rev. Jacob Ley undertook the 
be done on the responsibility of an individual. temporary office of Treasurer for this small, but 
But this responsibility was very quickly re- most useful fund, 
moved : for in a few days the Writer received 



Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 1 01 

i 
not great. For several days about 200 persons received it at the Town Hall, and 

about 100 from the other kitchens. The quantity distributed amounted to about 
3000 lbs. 

Very special inquiries have been made by me with a view to learn what success 
attended this method of prevention and of cure. Absolute proof of benefit is 
scarcely attainable ; circumstantial evidence is overwhelming. The following letter 
from one of the District Medical Officers will give a clear opinion on this point. 

" . . . . The Cases in which the distribution of food was clearly instrumental in checking Diarrhoea 
in my district were very numerous. There were from thirty to forty old Cases which continued 
from time to time to relapse, and the treatment appeared to be of little use, and in all these Cases the 
Mutton-broth and Beef-tea were given with the best results: in children this was always the case. 
There were many who suffered with pain in the stomach and sickness, (who had previously had 
severe Diarrhoea) ; these Cases all rapidly improved when the food was given. I hear but one 
opinion about the value to be put upon the distribution of food. I am confident that many lives 
were saved, and a great deal of suffering and pain to the poor patients who received it." .... 

The Lady to whom reference was made above as superintending the Nurses, and 
visiting all Cases of Cholera in the worst Districts, writes : — 

29th January 1855. 

" I shall be delighted to give you some instances of the benefit derived from the distribution of 
food in the time of the Cholera, and I think I shall only find it difficult to make a choice amongst 
the numberless cases of this kind which have come under my notice. I may mention, however, 
Green's Yard, in which three families were suffering from Diarrhoea, and in one a death had 
occurred, before the food was distributed ; but after they had received it for a very few days, they 
seemed quite restored to health. In Orpwood's Yard three deaths had occurred, and every house 
had Diarrhoea : after the food was given, there were no more fatal Cases, and the complaint was 
checked. In Vaughan's Yard a severe though not fatal case of Cholera had occurred, and mo6t 
families had Diarrhoea; in all it was checked by the food, and the Cholera patient rapidly recovered, 
which, without the food, would probably not have been the case. In Osney Lane, where five deaths 
had taken place, and Choleraic Diarrhoea as well as the more simple form of the complaint was 
almost universal, the sickness very soon disappeared after the food was distributed. In the Hamel, 
where the mother of a family ultimately died of Choleraic Diarrhoea, nearly every other person in the 
house was suffering from Diarrhoea till they received the food, when it entirely ceased. 

It would be almost endless to go on enumerating Cases similar to those, of which the details are 
naturally much alike. I am sure I could fill pages with them, as I might simply describe what 
occurred in every street in the parish ; but if you will consider the few instances I have mentioned 
as mere specimens of what might be said of almost every house in our crowded yards and alleys, 
you will have a very fair idea of the extent of the benefits produced by the food. In addition how- 
ever I must mention that it was of great use in assisting the recovery of Cholera patients, who would 
otherwise have probably sunk from weakness, and in preventing the disease amongst children and 
old people. You have asked me why it was that so many people required such aid as necessary 
food ? To this I must answer, that there are many persons in every town who, under all circum ■ 
stances and at all times, live on the verge of starvation. Of these kinds of persons we have trampers, 

N 



102 Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 

elderly people past work, persons of immoral habits, families with bad husbands, or deserted by the 
husband altogether, and many more of the same sort. All these are in no condition to meet such 
an epidemic as the Cholera, and as they must every where form a large proportion of the population, 
it seems to shew the necessity of raising the diet of the poor wherever the disease appears." 

A person who in an official capacity knows the habits and lives of the poor of 
Oxford with great exactness, writes : 

" There can be no doubt, but for the almost unlimited distribution of broth, &c. &c. Oxford would 
have suffered to a much greater extent than it already has." 

And once more, our worthy City Marshal, Mr. Lucas, who saw daily those who 
came to the Town Hall, tells me, what I fully admit to be no certain argument, 
■' Scores used to say to me every day, This food saves our lives." 

Certainly I have no intention, as I have no desire, to imply that our Board of 
Guardians, or any Board of Guardians, allows out of door relief on too low a scale ; 
but I presume that the allowances are generally calculated on the lowest scale con- 
sistent with bare maintenance in ordinary times, and that it is certain that a higher 
scale is more safe during an epidemic of Diarrhoea and Cholera, and probably in 
Epidemics generally. And I do wish to suggest it to those blest with abundance 
beyond their necessity, that they may with discretion add to the diet of their 
poorer neighbours, whenever again — and it may be not far off— the scourge of the 
Pestilence is brought once more to our doors. 

Duties of Inspector. 
§. 8. To prevent, as far as was possible, the spread of Disease by the distribution 
of infected clothes, an Inspector was appointed, whose principal business may be 
summed up as follows : 

i . To attend at the place appointed for cleansing or destroying bedding or 
clothes every morning at Seven, and at other times. 

2. To be responsible for the destruction of all things sent for that purpose. 
Great inconvenience arose from burning. Many things were therefore buried 
with quick lime. 

3. To catalogue all things destroyed or cleansed, and to value them before 
they were destroyed. 

4. To see that things cleansed were properly washed with Burnet's Solution, 
rinsed, dried, laid in store, labelled, and returned to the owners, a receipt 
being given. 

5. To deliver bedding and clothes in lieu of those destroyed ; to visit the 
houses to which clean and good articles were to be forwarded ; and to ascer- 
tain that such dwellings had been cleansed by the Commissioners' Survevor, 
before the clean things were delivered. 



Arrangements made in Oxford during the Epidemic. 103 

Special persons were appointed to regulate and superintend the burials. In this 
department much strictness and circumspection was necessary, for reasons which 
need not be dwelt upon. 

Business of the Police Office. 

The Police Office being in the centre of the town, and close to the Town Hall, 
was selected as the station at which messengers, and all things which might be re- 
quired in haste, as bedding, water kept hot for filling stone bottles, &c. could be 
obtained. The Lists of the Residences of Nurses, and the Nurses' 1 Register, were 
kept there. Much dissatisfaction arose for some days, because it was decided that 
for the convenience of the Workhouse accounts, the beef tea and Nurses' rations 
should be obtained from the Workhouse kitchen, and kept ready at the Police 
Office. The distance to the Workhouse was at least half a mile. The consequence 
could be foreseen. The provisions were either deficient, or in excess and spoiled. 
To strain ordinary machinery, constructed to do plain work, in the hope that it 
will move with rapidity and precision under heavy pressure, is a course neither 
prudent nor likely to meet with success. The Board established a kitchen in the 
Town Hall, to furnish the required provisions, under the superintendence of Mr. 
Boddington, one of the Board of Health, and no further difficulties arose. Respect- 
able cookshops or taverns in a central position would answer the same purpose. 



N 2 



PART III. 

THE LESSON OF THE EPIDEMIC. 



CHAPTER I. 

Our Present Condition. 



§.1. To enumerate the arrangements which a wise Community would adopt 
beforehand to mitigate the terrible scourge of coming Epidemics, would be to 
describe the manner in which a civilized and well-regulated people, acquainted with 
the laws of health and the causes of disease, would strive to live on ordinary 
occasions : and as this would lead the reader into questions of the most extensive 
nature — social, so called, political and religious — it cannot be fully discussed in 
this place. 

That such a history, however feeble, will alone state the needs of any thoroughly 
peopled town, in the particular matter before us, a little reflection will show. It is 
quite certain, and it would be impertinent now to spend words in proving it, that 
the health of individuals is influenced by their manner of life : no one doubts but 
that a man may drink himself into hopeless dropsy ; that by over labour he may 
induce heart disease ; by imprudent labour disease of his lungs ; that by mental 
excitement and late hours he may destroy the integrity of his nervous system ; or 
shorten his days by ever working at work for which he is by nature unfitted. 
Instances of individual self-destruction from avoidable circumstances might be 
multiplied without end. With these individual cases we have not here to deal. 
Each man has a free will, and he must make his choice according to the knowledge 
he possesses. But with communities this is not so : they have lawgivers and laws : 
these may be good, or they may be bad. The Community may be barbarous or 
civilized. We have here to do with Civilized Communities only; and concerning 
them it is not to be doubted, and no educated person does doubt, that communities, 
as well as individuals, may violate the sanitary laws which our Creator has imposed 
on us ; and that the consequence of the violation of these laws is punishment to 
the community for its common crime ; as it is in the case of the individual for his 
individual crime. 



1 Of) There is in Oxford no Refuge for persons with Epidemic Diseases. 

§. 2. This argument can not be now pursued. In many places it has been 
shown, that bad municipal laws and bad local management cost more in many 
particulars than good laws and good management : to use a common expression, 
" Bad work makes work," and " the ratepayer pays twice. 11 This subject also is as 
interesting as it is extensive. Life is a holy thing ; and if communities throw 
away the lives of the individuals who compose them, or make these sickly, short, 
and miserable, the community will, in some manner, ' pay for it.' It will have work 
done badly by the crushed artisan while he lives ; it will maintain him for years in 
his sickness, and his children on his death. 

I should be ashamed of dwelling on subjects of this kind, did I not feel that in 
this matter, as in many others, many of the People of England have yet to awake 
as from a dream. Though scientific men, aided by the press, have for many years 
striven to rouse us to a sense of insecurity, the habits of our country, the 
lengthy labour of discussion which is to be gone through in most public questions, 
and the precarious results of the votes in public assemblies, retard improvement, 
and too often ensure mischief. From this and other causes we bid fair, when the 
Cholera again appears, in many particulars to be in as great danger as on either 
previous occasion. The last Epidemic was at its height here before efficient steps 
were taken to meet it. When the steps were agreed upon, in more than one in- 
stance they grievously miscarried, in consequence of the routine by which it was 
thought necessary to cramp them. And in one department, the Field of Observa- 
tion, second to none indeed in importance, notwithstanding the undaunted energy 
of a Lady engaged therein, for many days the most common necessaries were 
deficient, and the most ordinary precautions unheeded. All this is well known here; 
and yet, after the fullest discussion, and in the most solemn manner, the Radcliffe 
Infirmary, the great Medical Institution of this District, decided that it could not 
assist in providing any accommodation for infectious disorders, or aid in offering 
alleviation to the City and County in the event of any future Epidemic Disorder * ; 
and it is more than probable that, notwithstanding the urgent representations that 
have been made on the subject, we shall in respect of a Building fit to receive 
Contagious or Epidemic Disease, be as unprepared as we were in 1854, notwith- 
standing the terrible warning of the Cholera in that, and of the Small-pox in that 
and in the preceding year. Whether the General Hospital of a City or County sur- 
rounding it sees fit to offer such a boon to the People, rests of course wholly with 
its Managers ; and, as I have said, with us the answer has here been a negative 
one ; but that, with the warning which we have had, and with the Histories of 
former Pestilence, we should be content, when the General Hospital has so formally 
declined, to be without any permanent provision for Epidemic infectious disorders. 

* See Appendix. 



L' Hygiene se resume en deux mots, Moralite, Aisance. 107 

seems to be both undesirable and rash. The general relations of Provincial 
Hospitals will be discussed in a succeeding chapter, and this point will be there 
considered. 

Sufficient grounds have, I think, been stated to satisfy the minds of most persons 
that our Sanitary arrangements are not complete ;' it will not be an idle task 
to consider the general plan upon which we should proceed to bring about their 
completion. 

§. 3. LTHygiene, ou plutot la Civilization dont elle est une face, se resume en 
deux mots — Moralite, Aisance, — says a French writer f. In other words, to have 
"competency of living according to our condition, 1 ' and "to possess our hearts 
right before God," are essential to our physical well-being. But — competency of 
living ! Let the Urban, or even the Country Reader ask himself if all about him 
have competent meat and drink for their stomachs and their blood ; competent air 
for their lungs ; competent exercise — sufficient and not extreme — for their muscles ; 
competent means of cleanliness for their skins. And under the second head: whether 
they possess their hearts right before God? Let him ask — has the intellectual, 
moral, and religious training of himself and those about him been such as to ensure, 
as far as our fallen nature allows, such habits of self-control, and such sense of 
duty towards God and his neighbour, as affords to the nervous system the chance 
of a competent use and competent repose I Alas ! I trow not. So far from these 
words being beside or beyond the mark — they point to the eye of it. and yet do not 
touch the thousand circles which necessarily surround it. We must feel the bitter- 
ness of the evil which social life entails on the less honorable members of the body 
politic. The feet must tread the mire, yet they may be clad ; and the hands may 
be washed and warm, though they be thick with toil. It is not simply a wrong to 
our Fellow Men, if that is withheld which they may justly claim : it is sin and 
degradation to the Rulers. 

To all this England is now awaking. The question is — What is the Remedy? 
How can we apply it ? Are we hindering or aiding it ; Are even our institutions 
a hindrance or an aid ? 

We can answer these questions more cheerfully now in 1856 than heretofore. 
The law of England, thanks to the great exertions of eminent statesmen and phi- 
lanthropists, makes provisions for the general healthiness of Town districts, and 
during Epidemics especially, which a few years ago could not have been hoped for 
by the most sanguine citizen. 

§. 4. Yet many evils — some remediable, some not — remain. The following seem 
to be the chief, which, independently of the great questions connected with the de- 
mand and supply of labour, are incidental to great towns, and some of them in their 
t Michel Levy. Traite d'Hygiene Publique et Prive'e. 



108 Evils to which the Poor in Towns are subject. 

degree to Oxford : — Food, bad in quality ; Water, insufficient or bad ; Lodgings, 
insufficient in space, bad in natural site, and far worse by human agency ; great 
Nuisances, such as offensive trades — slaughter houses ; inadequate Drainage ; in- 
adequate places of recreation, or none ; the all-but-necessity of bad company from 
the closeness of dwellings. Consequently on all these increased liability to disease : 
on account of the value of ground, small school rooms, with inadequate yards, 
rendering Education more injurious to health than in the country, and making 
" the child, the father of the man," more sickly than he need have been. There 
follows greater temptation to vicious habits in consequence of nervous exhaustion. 

Connected with the Conditions of Labour, in many cases in common with but in 
excess over the country districts, are : — Wages insufficient for procuring enough of 
Food, Clothing, or Fuel, and Proper Lodgings ; Prolonged Hours of Work in 
consequence of competition ; insufficient time for relaxation, acting on the man's 
whole moral and religious nature through exhaustion of the nervous system ; un- 
healthy work rooms. 

To reduce these evils to their minimum, what are the means in our power ? 
Some tilings we can do, each for ourselves. Some things we can do by voluntary 
combination. Some things can only be done by the legislature. 

To exhaust these subjects would lead me very far beyond the limits of this 
Memoir. I shall therefore restrict myself to observations on a few of the most 
obvious and most practical points of our economy; viz. (i) Habitations; (2) Ven- 
tilation; (3) Drainage; (4) Medical care of the less affluent classes; (5) The re- 
lations between Moral and Physical well-being. It will be found that under these 
heads may be comprised most of what a Physician may venture to remark on the 
social condition of such a City as Oxford. 



CHAPTER II. 

On some Habitations in Oxford and their Ventilation. 

Of the importance of Ventilation, or, in other words, of introducing healthy air 
into all dwellings, it is impossible to speak too strongly ; nay, even it is scarcely 
possible to speak strongly enough ; this applies especially to the houses of the poorer 
classes, whose rooms are usually smaller in all dimensions ; they are generallv 
lower, and more crowded, not only proportionally but actually, than the houses of 
the upper classes. I am quite satisfied that not only do some of the worst forms 
of physical disease depend on ill-ventilated dwellings, but also that some of the 
worst forms of vice are engendered thereby. This I state, not only on the authority 
of the many volumes which have treated on this subject, but from my personal 



The Ventilation of the Oxford Infirmary and County Gaol. 109 

observations as a Physician in and about Oxford. Those who have not paid parti- 
cular attention to this subject, may, I doubt not, think any words which at all 
properly describe the consequences of habitually living in inadequately ventilated 
dwellings, as exaggerated and forced. But such persons should bear in mind the 
following : — 

That without Pure Air, in adequate quantity, the ordinary physiological changes 
of the human body cannot be carried on in their normal manner. 

That in proportion as the air is vitiated from any cause the injury to the struc- 
tures of the body becomes more or less severe and more or less permanent. 

That fresh air to the amount of more than 200 cubic feet per hour is required 
for each adult. That if this is not provided, the same air is inspired over again. 

That in some of the smaller rooms of the poor not a fourth part of the volume of 
air required for health is obtained. 

That it is certain that a very great improvement may be made in the condition 
of all sleeping and living rooms by the introduction of Arnott's Valves into the 
Flues : although they do not completely remedy the evil where there is not an up 
current in the chimney into which they are laid. 

So very much has been written of late years on this subject, that I forbear from 
wearying the Reader with any further statements. But I deeply lament the decision 
of our Infirmary to have gas burners without ventilating tubes, as being a mis- 
chievous example to this district : and regret, for the same reason, that the very 
careful and long continued labours of a Committee, including Professors Donkin 
and Daubeny, appointed to advise on its Ventilation, were set aside*. I have 
pointed out elsewhere that the enlightened Bench of Magistrates have shown their 
sense of the importance of the question, as far as Prisons are concerned, by the 
pains bestowed on this department of Hygiene in the construction and adaptation 
of the County Gaol. 

But I cannot forbear quoting the following passage from the Appendix to the 
Report of the Scientific Committee of the Board of Health. There Dr. Arnott, in a 
Paper on the Influence of Atmospheric Impurity on Asiatic Cholera, writes — 

" The department of the art of cleansing, which remains the most imperfect, is that of Ventilation. 
The reasons of this are, that air, under common circumstances, is invisible ; that scarcely 200 years 
have passed since scientific men suspected that air was at all a ponderable substance — occupying 
space, and only in our own day, since air has been used for stuffing for air-pillows, and one kind, 
with the name of coal-gas, has been sold by measure from pipes, as water is, have people generally 
conceived of it as being truly a thing; that only about 100 years ago had even chemists learned that 
air or gas is not one unchangeable substance, but is one of the three forms called solid, liquid, and 
aeriform, which certainly many, and probably all substances, may assume under different degrees of 

* See Appendix B. 



UO Cottages form a bad Investment. 

heat, compression, and combination ; that the particular substance, for instance, to which the name 
of oxygen has been given, since it was discovered by Dr. Priestly in 1783, which, in its separate state 
at the temperature of our earth, exists only as an air with which air-cushions may be stuffed, yet 
constitutes eight-ninths by weight of all the water on our globe, about a fourth of all the earth and 
stones, and a large proportion of the flesh and other parts of animals and vegetables ; then men had 
not until lately reflected that solid or liquid filth in a house, if not swallowed in food or drink, can be 
noxious only when it gives out part of its substance as foul effluvium to be breathed ; and, lastly j 
men knew not that expired ordinary breath, which, if inhaled again alone when recent or fresh, may 
only suffocate by excluding fresh air, becomes, when stagnant or long retained in a place, in part, 
truly putrid or corrupt, as turtle soup or venison might change, and may then assume the forms of the 
different poisons which produce the gaol, the hospital, or the ship fevers, and other spreading diseases, 
or of that which, when joined with the peculiar morbid agents of small-pox, measles, scarlatina, or 
cholera, cause these to rage. Acquaintance with such facts, however, being once obtained, men can 
understand that Ventilation is not of ordinary, but of paramount importance, for it can remove not 
only the breath-poison of inmates, but also the foul air arising from all other sources, and so may 
act as a substitute for good drainage until there be time and opportunity to establish that. There is 
no liquid poison which may not be rendered harmless by copious dilution with fresh water, so there 
is no aerial poison of which the action may not be similarly influenced by dilution with fresh air. 

" It is important also here to remark that modern houses, since the introduction of close-fitting 
glass windows and of chimney flues with low openings for fireplaces, have been rendered what per- 
sons ignorant of the nature of air could not suspect, namely, singularly efficacious traps for catching 
and long retaining all impure air or effluvium which may enter them from without, or be produced 
within them. Such airs, the exhaled breath, for instance, being generally warmer and specifically 
lighter than the external air, are buoyed up towards the ceiling of rooms, where, if there be no outlet, 
they stagnate long, like oil floating on water, and are little disturbed by even copious streams of 
fresh, colder, and heavier air gliding along the floor from doors and windows to pass up the chim- 
ney-flue. * * Effluvium from such filth as cesspools contain has, in past inquiries, been that 
most attended to, but there are many facts to show that this impurity of retained and corrupted 
breath, scarcely heeded in general, has been the chief element of the foul atmosphere which has led 
to numerous Cholera outbreaks. * * 

" With such facts in view as are set forth in the preceding paragraphs, all must perceive both 
the close dependence of men's health and well-being on the maintenance of purity of air within and 
about their dwellings, and the lamentable extent to which this object is missed in present ordinary 
procedure." 

It is quite certain that there is no remedy for many of the houses even in a town 
such as this. Whether it would answer commercially to pull them down and re- 
build them depends on so many local circumstances, that it is idle to offer any 
general opinion on the subject. I learn, on the authority of a very eminent builder, 
also a landed proprietor, that, commercially, the erection of a comfortable cottage 
in the country will not pay a proper interest on the outlay. Mr. Pusey made 
various endeavours to solve that problem, with some success. For many years, as 
every one knows, the County Gentry of England have bestowed much attention on 
the subject. The facts, in a commercial sense, are not easily attainable. A large 
landed proprietor in the west of England can erect a convenient, healthy, and archi- 



The houses which Working Men should not take. Ill 

tecturally picturesque labourer's cottage for about £100, or a double cottage for 
£160. Whether they would be built by contract for this sum, I cannot say*. Sir 
Walter Trevelyan has, in Northumberland, houses of this kind, that may well serve 
as a model ; using square blocks of wood, prepared in a saw mill, and placed end- 
ways for the ground-floor : a mode of flooring more durable than any ordinary 
paving stone. 

In the last few years we have had, in Oxfordshire, frightful instances of the evils 
of Foul and Bad Dwellings, as accessories in the production of Fever. The parishes 
of Fringford, of Mixbury, and of Souldern may be specified as lamentable exam- 
ples of this : of course I do not pretend to assert that bad Ventilation and bad 
houses were the sole causes of the Disease in those villages, but that circum- 
stances generally avoidable were so, is not to be doubted : and I am assured by 
Mr. Turner of Deddington, that overcrowding was the chief cause of the alarming 
fever at Souldern. As I have already described what occurred at Oxford, in Gas 
Street, during the Cholera of 1854, this point need not be further dwelt upon. 

It is well known that such outbreaks are costly to a degree for the parishes where 
they occurred ; and it is well known also that the spread of Fever may generally be 
entirely prevented by Hygienic rules. 

The Manchester and Salford Sanitary Association have published advice to 
workmen on the choice of dwellings f: as their advice cannot be materially im- 
proved, it is here reprinted, for the consideration especially of any working men who 
may see these pages, and are not acquainted with the Tracts of the Association. 

" I. Not to take house or rooms on the open bank of a sewer-river, nor near any standing 
water, or offensive works. 

2. Not to take house or rooms without regard to sufficiency of the size in respect to his 

family. 

3. Not to take house or rooms where the landlord will not undertake to keep the drains free 

from bad smells. 

4. Not to take house or rooms which are blocked up at the back, and where a thorough draught 

cannot be made by opening doors and windows both at the back and front. 

5. Not to take house or rooms where any room is over a midden, ash-pit, or privy; or where 

the privies face the houses. 

6. Not to take house or rooms in a confined court or entry, and especially where there is in it 

an open midden or ash-pit, or where the privies are common to a number of houses. 

7. Under no circumstance whatever to occupy a cellar, and always to seek for bed-rooms in 

which there are fire-places, and windows that readily open at top and bottom.'' 

* Various designs have been carried out ; notices of some prize plans, with full particulars, may 
be found in the valuable Journals of the Royal Agricultural Society (London, Murray), and of the 
West of England Society (London, Ridgway). 

t Manchester and Salford Sanitary Association Tract Series, No. 2. See also, The Dwellings of 
the Labouring Classes. Roberts. (London, J. W. Parker, &c.) 

2 



112 The Fittest Gift to the Labouring Poor of Oxford. 

The time is quite gone by when the workmen of England require to have the 
practical wisdom of these remarks explained at length. Those indeed who do not 
see the necessity of them, will nevertheless do wisely to act upon them forthwith. 
A difficulty however arises often in this, that only bad houses are to be had. Now, 
with respect to Oxford, it is manifest that none should lodge in bad and close rooms 
in St. Thomas', St. Aldate's, and St. Ebbe's, if they can secure better rooms in more 
healthy localities. They had far better walk a mile or two from their work to be in 
a good air when at home, than put up with the depressing influence of foul air 
every night. A miserable cottage in the country is better (unhealthy though it be) 
than a good room in a close alley with houses placed back to back. 

I know no more honourable Memorial that any College or combination of Col- 
leges could raise to show the sympathy they feel with their poorer neighbours than 
the erection on the healthy ground to the north of Oxford, (as, for instance, near 
the Infirmary,) of a set of Dwellings for the Labouring population, constructed in 
the best manner, and with all the proper arrangements for Water, Lighting, Venti- 
lation, and Drainage. So much has been done for the domestic comfort of the poor 
by the erection of Baths and Washhouses, that it is a pity not to complete the 
good work. There is every facility for such a procedure, if a body of men in the 
City, such as the ten who cleared the Foul Alley in St. Thomas's, of which I have 
elsewhere spoken, were to place themselves in connection with the Metropolitan 
Society for Improving the Dwellings of the Industrious Classes*. They would find 
in the office of the Society ready advice, and the fruits of a large and practical expe- 
rience. They would learn the precise cost, and obtain the commercial data for such 
an undertaking : for no man of business considers works of this kind as really suc- 
cessful unless they repay the founders. We may say, I think, with confidence with 
respect to Oxford, that if land were given, or leased on favourable terms, all doubt 
of even commercial success would be removed. Shares would be taken to secure 
the erection of the buildings, and these shares would be moderately remunerative. 
The experience of the Metropolitan Association, upon the whole, seems to justify 
this observation. Single rooms for single men would not repay us : dwellings for 
families on flats would. 

I am thus particular on this point, because harangues on unhealthy dwellings are 
singularly unsatisfactory as long as healthy dwellings are not to be had. 

Many parts of our City, now not to be spoken of with approbation, will be unex- 
ceptionable if the long anticipated Drainage is completed. Let the Reader examine 
once more the Map which faces the title-page, to see which parts are still imper- 

* Metropolitan Association for Improving the Dwellings of the Industrious Classes. Charles 
Gatcliff, General Secretary, 19, Coleman Street, London. A pamphlet entitled ' Healthy Homes,' 
price 6rf. Houlston and Stoneman, gives full information on this subject. 



The Drainage of Oxford. ] 1 ,<3 

fectly drained, or wholly undrained. Then let him ask himself where the masses 
of the poor can take houses properly drained ; even if the houses were fit for them 
in other respects. 



CHAPTER III. 

The Drainage of Oxford. 



The Drainage of Towns in general, and even of Oxford itself, has been the 
subject of so much discussion, that it would be impossible, within the compass of 
so brief a Memoir as the present, to impart any knowledge beyond that which is 
within the reach of every one, or to attempt even a resume of the whole matter. 
So many debatable questions, financial, engineering, sanitary, agi'icultural, and 
legislative, are involved in it, that the briefest statement would occupy a volume. 
Yet some notice must be taken of it, and as the Writer has given some attention 
to the subject, and has, for many years, had opportunities of forming an opinion 
on it, at least as far as regards Oxford, he feels bound to add in this place such 
remarks as, however trite they may appear to some persons, do yet deserve the 
serious attention of persons hitherto uninformed on the subject. 

There are two main points to be attended to in the Drainage of a City situated 
as Oxford has been described to be (p. 21). The first is the keeping the alluvial 
plains of the Isis and Cherwell, into which the town abuts, free at all times of the 
year from surface floods. The second is the removal from the town of the surface 
waters, and sewage of the town, without contamination of the rivers. 

First, as to the Drainage of the Thames' 1 Valley. The condition of the Thames' 
Valley (and we need not speak of its tributaries) is a national disgrace. That the 
towns situated on the chief river of a kingdom such as England, should be subject 
to evils of which a small Dutch farmer would be ashamed, is remarkable ; and that 
in a University town, a centre, therefore, of knowledge and intellectual progress, 
up to the middle of the nineteenth century, the cellars of many houses should 
be periodically flooded, and other parts wholly undrained, is startling. The fact 
is only to be noticed. The entire question of the causes need not here be discussed. 
To what physical conditions is it due ? Manifestly to two. First, to the low- 
situations in which houses have been allowed to be built ; and, secondly, to the 
ponding back of the surface waters up the Thames Valley, by either a naturally 
inadequate river-outlet, (an exceptional condition in physical geography,) or by the 
obstruction of an outlet originally by nature sufficient. It excites grave reflection 
when we consider that the greatest works for regulating the Thames waters were 
constructed many centuries ago, and that had a similar sagacity to that engaged 



114 The Thames Valley must first be Drained by Government. 

in their preparation been exercised with regard to the works since erected on the 
banks of the river, the waters from Thame and Cricklade down to Teddington 
would not have been now the theme of so frequent reprobation. I have long been 
satisfied that until the Government take in hand the waters of the Thames' Valley 
as a whole, Oxford will never be adequately drained, and the City will not reach 
that acme of salubrity which it is reasonable to hope for, and proper to strive to 
obtain *. Nothing short of this will secure the desired result, the health of the 
inhabitants of this, the most important water- valley of England. If private interests 
and local convenience are to regulate the outlets of the chief waters of the country, 
the country at large must bow to their convenience, and suffer still, as it has hitherto 
suffered. If, on the other hand, the Thames reverts to what it was created to be, 
the great uninterrupted undammed water-course of the south-east of England, 
then the Thames 1 Valley may, under judicious management, become one of the chief 
gardens of England, and its perfectly regulated waters and irrigated ground may 
supply vast quantities of cheap food, profitably raised, to the Metropolis. To effect 
this necessary change, fresh Powers by new unfettered Legislation are imperatively 
demanded. 

To ensure the full benefit of such a change — a change not only from floods at one 
time of the year, but also from offensive exhalations of decaying substances left by 
the receding waters at another, a second great alteration is required ; the sewage 
of the toicns must not be cast into the rivers; or if it be so cast in, then most vigorous 
measures should be taken to increase the stock of fish and other forms of animal 
life ; nature's great preventive against the evils of putrefaction f. 

But for two reasons it is patent to every one that neither the sewage of this, nor 

* This opinion has its justification, if any be those that have been, 

required, first, in the general nature of the case, f I must not in this place permit myself to 

as obvious upon the condition of the Valley; but dilate on the advantages which might be derived 

secondly also, on the fact that attempts have under another state of river management, from 

been made with great energy to get the evils pursuing an inquiry into the applicability of this 

remedied, but without success. For a full ac- great physiological truth to the purification of 

count of the proceedings of a very thorough the Thames. Experiments on the breeding of 

inquiry made in 1853, see Report of the Com- fish have been brought to very practical issue in 

mittee on the Inundations of the Thames, signed France and elsewhere ; and though not prepared 

by Mr. Pusey. (Hall, Journal Office, Oxford.) with evidence in support of this view, I believe 

I cannot mention the name of Mr. Pusey, with- that it may hereafter be found to be quite feasible, 

out adding my respectful but affectionate tribute and perhaps also commercially and ceconomically 

to a man whose name will live as long as the advantageous, to take measures to raise largely 

progress of agricultural science in this century is the stock of edible aquatic animals for the purifi- 

remembered ; and long after those who felt the cation of the rivers of England, 
charm of his noble heart are numbered with 



The double wrong of casting Sewage into our Rivers. 115 

of any other town, ought to be cast into the rivers : first, because it contaminates 
them : secondly, because it wastes organic rejectamenta which might be turned 
back again into the ascending series of the great chemical transformations ever 
going on in the circle of organic and inorganic existences. As to the first head, 
the contamination of the waters, if it were merely that foul, muddy, stinking waters 
are less pleasant to look upon, to smell, or to imagine of, than clear streams from 
the clouds and the watersheds, something, though not much, should be conceded to 
the taste of those who loved the baser sort. But in truth, let no words be wasted 
on the matter : foul rivers are a nuisance and an injury to health, a tale too often 
told, and a fact too easily proved, to require illustration here. 

As to the second head, the waste of manure by casting the sewage into the river, 
I am almost deterred from expressing an opinion concerning this point, by the great 
difficulty of the subject — a difficulty the magnitude of which is not always rated 
highly enough. I might indeed honourably shelter myself under the fact, that hav- 
ing, as one of the City Commissioners some years since, actively urged that body to 
place the whole question in the hands of one of the first British engineers, all re- 
sponsibility was removed from me on Sir William Cubitus appointment, especially 
when I was able to witness the zeal and energy with which Mr. Macdougall Smith 
carried out Sir William's instructions in collecting the necessary data. But then 
I notice, first, that the Commissioners have entirely departed from Sir William's 
recommendation in one great question, the place of the Water supply, by erecting 
new Water- works at a spot below the City*, instead of, as he naturally desired, 
on a part of the stream above it ; a point of the more moment, because the popu- 
lation will certainly extend up. not down the stream, on account of the far more 
salubrious character of the ground to the north of Oxford than in any other direc- 
tion in the Valley. I therefore consider it quite possible that in other respects also 
his comprehensive view may be departed from, and therefore no injury arises 
from the reconsideration of it in this place. Indeed further, I may remark, that 
in Sir William's and Mr. Macdougall Smith's Beport, though ample space is left on 
the plan for " Receiving Reservoirs for Sewage manure," near the outlet of the 
main, no plan is specified whereby we may decide on what course is to be taken 
with the Sewage deposit in the tanks, and no calculations appended in the body 
of the Report as to the probable value of such deposit. Under these circumstances 
it may perhaps be permitted to remind the reader of the chief points involved in the 
disposal of Town Sewage f- 

* The new Water-works derive their supply, and Authorities. In the Appendix will be found 

not from the river, but from a large Railway the Titles of some books, to which persons 

excavation, in a gravel bed, near the river. interested in the subjects of which this Memoir 

f It seems to me undesirable, in a sketch like speaks may first of all refer. Most of them are 

the present, to refer at every point to Reports in the Radcliffe Library. 



116 The Principles that regulate the disposal of Sewage. 

First, All organic refuse *, that is to say, excrements, solid and liquid, of men 
and animals, waste articles from kitchens, slaughter houses, and manufactories, 
should be at once removed from the neighbourhood of human habitations. 

Secondly, Those parts which are known to be most capable of reconversion into 
useful organic structures, or, in other words, which are fit for manure, should be 
removable in the least expensive manner to land capable of, or already in, cultiva- 
tion, without contaminating, and so also being lost in the rivers. 

Now, the refuse organic matters above enumerated may be either collected un- 
mixed in each house, in convenient receptacles, and removed by human or by horse 
power. Or, they may be allowed to mix with surface water, other water, various 
detritus, and waste objects, and carried off by drains and main sewers ; in which 
case it will require a head of water, variously applied, to clear or flush such drains 
and sewers. 

In the first of these cases the receptacles, tanks, or cesspools may be fixed or 
moveable, that is, they may be emptied on the premises, and the contents removed, 
or they may be carried away to a convenient locality to be emptied. In this case, 
the matter fitted for manure may be applied to the ground in a more or less solid 
or semifluid form, or water may be added on the land to be manured. 

In the second of these cases, the more solid portions and the urine are mixed 
with large quantities of water, and they cannot again be applied in a solid form 
except some process be resorted to for depriving them of the water which has been 
so freely added : in this case the urine passes away with the waste water, and is 
avowedly lost altogether as a manure ; it being well known to be the richest con- 
stituent of the sewage t- 

Each of these two plans has its advocates, and its advantages. In China J, in 
various European towns, Frankfort and Paris especially, both fixed and moveable 
tanks and cesspools are used, and are believed to be used both with convenience 
and profit. In Paris a company for the purpose of profit has been lately started 
on the moveable tank system. 

To the English mind generally the cesspool system has become abhorrent, is 
loudly condemned by the Boards of Health, and would scarcely obtain a hearing. 
It may be questioned, however, whether the advantages of a thoroughly well regu- 
lated fixed or moveable cesspool system are fairly estimated at present in England, 
and whether the decision that no cesspool should be allowed to exist in towns of 

* For a very clear exposition of the nature of Journal of the Society of Arts, 1855 : and ordi- 

this organic refuse, and its decreasing value, see nary Physiological Works, &c. 
a paper by Professor Way, on the Use of Town J Through my friend Professor Max Miiller, 

Sewage as Manure, Journal of the Royal Agri- I have obtained from the Abbe Hue an account 

cultural Soc. of England, vol. 15. of the customs of China in this respect. See 

t See Professor Way, loc. cit. : Lawes in the Appendix C. 



The Value of Town Sewage. 117 

moderate size, is either expedient, necessary, or just. But, on the other hand, it is 
quite as much a matter of question, whether this method (the only sound one of 
using the Town sewage undiluted) is better adapted in a commercial view for 
Agricultural purposes ; and it is, I think, certain that it is far more offensive, and 
possibly more unhealthy even under the most perfect management, than an efficient 
system of cleansing by drains. 

This second method, the removal of refuse by means of drains, is that, as the 
reader knows, which alone now finds favour in this country ; and without venturing 
to enter upon the engineering questions connected with its mode of application, 
questions, be it observed, of the greatest nicety, and still in dispute among 
engineers themselves *, we must again recur to the two great cardinal points in 
the disposal of Sewage, that it be not allowed to foul the streams, and that it be 
employed, if possible, with profit. To this last point, the first being taken for 
granted, we may in conclusion turn. 

This is a question purely agricultural and monetary. 1st, If the Town popu- 
lation of Oxford wishes to cart the Sewage on the lands below Oxford, will the land 
occupiers choose to have it I 2ndly, Will it cost more to distribute it over the 
land than the urban and suburban or farming and gardening population can with 
advantage to each pay for such distribution. 

These questions have been argued with so great skill and learning by Mr.LAWEsf, 
that for the present there is little more to be expected or desired in the investi- 
gation, and we shall be led, I hope, to a practical opinion with reference to the 
subject of our inquiry, how best to dispose of the Sewage of Oxford. 

The conclusions of the distinguished Agricultural Chemist just named, will be 
not improperly represented thus : 

First, That the value of Town Sewage has been greatly over-estimated. 

Secondly, That its low ' manuring' value makes it unprofitable, if either heavy 
land-carriage or expensive works are necessary for its distribution. 

Thirdly, That it is more desirable to apply it in a liquid than in a solid state. 

Fourthly, That it is applicable to grass, rather than to any other kind of crops. 

Mr. Lawes's valuable paper and the conclusions, as I have stated them, have 
special reference to the Sewage of London. Great mistakes on all kinds of subject 
matter are sometimes made by applying conclusions drawn from London to other 
places, and therefore these or other statements can hold good only in other places 
mutatis mutandis. On the whole, however, there is not much modification required 

* See, for instance, Mr. Rawlinson's paper on tution of Civil Engineers, vol. 12. 
the Drainage of Towns, with the discussions J See the Journal of the Society of Arts, 

upon it. Minutes of Proceedings of the Insti- March 7, 1855. 



118 7s Oxford Sewage commercially valuable? 

in the application of Mr. Lawes's observations to towns of moderate size, and to 
Oxford especially, as will be seen in the sequel. The value of the refuse of houses, 
and especially of human excreta, is of course nearly the same here as in London, not 
much more or much less. There is probably a smaller proportional nitrogenous 
residue from manufactures. "We should have therefore to consider only the bearing 
of the second and third propositions respectively. This is easily done. 

We have, and always shall have, some grass land on which the Sewage may be 
employed at a moderate distance from hence, and as a matter of fact we do now 
send Sewage to more than fifteen miles from Oxford at a profitable rate to the 
seller, the night-soil man*, and the purchaser, the farmer, (so they believe re- 
spectively). It is quite possible, therefore, that a far larger part, if not the whole 
of our Oxford Sewage might be disposed of in this manner, that is, if it can be 
collected. The questions therefore are narrowed to these. 

First, Is there any way in which the Oxford Sewage can be profitably employed 
on grass lands near Oxford I 

Second, Should it be employed in the dry or in the liquid state, for the advantage 
of the farmer ? 

Third, Can it be furnished by the Town in the way most desirable, or sufficiently 
desirable for the land I 

As to the first, this is admitted. 

As to the second, the farmer can profitably employ it in either state, if it is 
brought within his reach at such a cost, that its manuring value shall equal the 
corresponding manuring value of guano at any given sum t- 

As to the third — 

1st, It appears to me to be proved by Mr. Lawes and Professor Way, that, as 
respects London, the solid part of the Sewage cannot be profitably extracted from the 
sewers ; that is to say, reconverted from the liquid to the solid state. Mr. Wick- 
steed is of a different opinion, and his works at Leicester will in a few years deter- 
mine the truth of his views on this great point, with respect to towns of moderate 
size. Meanwhile, however, the conclusion to which we shall presently come renders 
the decision of this question unnecessary, as far as Oxford is concerned. 

But, Sndly, («) Mr. Lawes asserts that in sufficient quantity Town Sewage is 
useful, and at a certain price is profitable, as a manure in the liquid state ; and, 
(6) as has been said, Mr. Wicksteed avers, that it can be solidified from the liquid 
state with advantage by his process ; and, (c) lastly, our night-men prove that it 

* There is a certain fallacy in this, for he is he has removed, is over and above the profit 
already well paid for emptying the cesspool. All upon the removal, 
the profit that he can obtain from the contents t See Mr. Lawes's paper above cited. 



Which is preferable, Liquid or Solid Sewage Manure ? 119 

can be carried with profit, in the form of compost (with ashes, &c.) to several miles' 
distance, this compost being made from the undiluted contents of cesspools. 

We may therefore conclude thus. We have the choice of three possible methods 
of application. 

1st, in the liquid state, discharged by drains or otherwise upon the land. (Lawes, 
Board of Health Reports, &c, &c.) 

2ndly, in the solid state, after being reclaimed from drains and mixed with 
lime, &c. (Wicksteed, objected to by Lawes, and as I think unanswerably, so far 
as London is concerned, and by Way as a general question.) 

3rdly, in the solid state, having been removed from cesspools and mixed with 
loam, ashes, &c. (Practice of China, Frankfort, Paris, night-soil men in England, 
&c.) 

Of these three methods, the first and the third are much to be preferred. The 
second appears to be too doubtful in its permanent results, commercially speaking, 
to warrant me in placing it on an equal footing with the others. The first is simpler, 
and therefore, if it can be applied, better. The third in the competition of solid 
manures must necessarily have the preference to the second, as having never been 
diluted, and as having retained the urine ; or rather such parts of it as have not 
been lost by decomposition. The urine is confessedly lost by the second scheme. 

It remains then to consider the absolute and relative merits of the two methods. 

1st, Distribution of manure over land from moveable or immoveable cesspools. 

2nd, Distribution of manure over land from the drains direct. 

(i.) There are grave objections to this method. In the first place, cesspools are 
probably under any regulations less efficient than a perfect drainage system. 

(2.) They do not and cannot dispense with drains and sewers for the surface 
waters, and therefore, either the contents of the drains and sewers, with whatever 
filth they chance to receive, will have to be emptied into the rivers, or else disposed 
of as I shall point out presently. 

(3.) They are exceedingly costly, though their advocates assert less costly than 
a drainage and water-closet system. 

(4.) They are manifestly more fitted for small than large Towns, on account of 
the number to be conveyed along the main thoroughfares. 

Against which may be set the experience of the Chinese, Parisians, and others, 
as aforesaid, (with the counter-statements, however, on the opposite side again.) 

I conclude, therefore, concerning cesspools, however perfect, moveable, or im- 
moveable, that, as far as I am acquainted, though there are not sufficient grounds 
to justify their total legal abolition, yet there is great cause to believe that, for 
reasons to be next given, an efficient drainage is preferable for Oxford, and that no 
cesspools should be allowed except under stringent regulations; in which case. 

p 2 



120 The Arguments for Liquid Sewage Manure. 

unless there were a sufficient number in existence to employ an active staff, they 
would shortly fail for want of commercial value ; and the sooner in proportion to 
the efficiency and the success of the drainage system of irrigation to be proposed. 

2nd. If indeed it be true that the best method of employing Sewage Manure is 
in the liquid state, then all the advantages of the former method, as far as the 
employment of manure goes, fall to the ground before the greater advantages of the 
better way ; and it becomes at last a purely engineering question. 

Let us then, lastly, consider the sum and substance of the arguments for the 
liquid manure. 1st, as manure, that is, agriculturally. 2nd, as a means of ridding 
the Town or Towns of excrements, that is, in the sanitary and engineering sense. 

First. That there is some agricultural value in Town Sewage, though much over- 
rated by most persons, is admitted, and requires no argument, as has been stated 
above (p. 118); the sole question is, the cost of bringing it to the farmer. If, 
therefore, the Town conveys the manure to land-occupiers, and allows the use of the 
manure at a rate satisfactory to the farmer, the latter is a gainer, and the Town 
loses nothing, unless the cost of conveying the Sewage to the farmer exceeds the 
cost of any other method of removal by a sum greater than the farmer pays for 
the use of the material *. 

Secondly. It is therefore in the end an engineering question, which may be put 
thus : 

It being admitted that the best plan for removing the Sewage from towns, is in 
most instances by means of drains ; and it being admitted that most Sewage is, on 
the one hand, injurious to the streams, and, on the other, useful to the agricul- 
turists ; can the City of Oxford, without loss or with profit, distribute such Sewage 
to adjoining lands, and in so doing cause no injury to the health of the neighbour- 
hood ? Are there lands upon which the Sewage can be safely and profitably spread, 
and by what methods can it be done ? 

I think it would be presumptuous in me to attempt to answer this question 
involving so many and such important interests. Another question may however 
be put to the influential readers in the County and City, into whose hands these 
pagea may fall. Is there a sufficient acreage of land lying in the Valley of the Isis 
and Cherwell, which could be made far more valuable by Sewage raised to such a 
height by steam-power, as to be applied down the valleys respectively by means 
either of the Devonshire ' catch meadows, 1 such as may be seen at Pusey, or by the 

* There is an able summary of these two laid down, though I should expect, from the 

points in " Minutes of Information collected on great skill and labour employed on this and 

the practical application of Sewer water, &c."— other of the most valuable documents of this 

General Board of Health, 1852. I am not how- able and industrious branch of the public service, 

ever prepared to subscribe to every axiom there to find their conclusions borne out. 



The Summary of the Question for Oxford. 121 

plan of hand-pipes, and here suggested by the Board of Health, and stated to be 
cheaper of application than the catch meadows *. 

I think it may be safely said, that in the mere engineering point of view there lies 
little difficulty. The Sewage might be conducted to any point below Iffley, on the 
line from thence to Sandford, or in a more southerly direction towards Kennington, 
and then be pumped by steam power to any height where ground could be obtained. 
The preferable site would probably be in Bagley Wood. It might have thence an 
efficient fall in very various directions, extending therefore the area of its opera- 
tions, and diluting thereby also such odorous effects as may be produced f. Unfor- 
tunately I cannot on theoretical grounds recommend the application of the Sewage 
to the improvement of Port Meadow ; but it might be made amazingly profitable 
to the Freemen, if properly drained and highly cultivated, and if it were supplied 
by the Sewage in regulated quantities. 

In fact, it is hardly to be doubted that such a tract of land would amply repay 
the expenses attending the applications. Many persons perhaps are not aware that 
some land near Edinburgh treated in this way is let for £%.0 or even <f30 an acre %. 

I have felt it a duty to go into this subject at a length wearisome, I fear, to most 
readers, and in a manner superficial to a few. But my object has been to put both 
the importance and the difficulties of the subject clearly before as many as I was 
able. I add therefore, now, a summary of the most important propositions that I 
would suggest for consideration. 

1st. That the Government should undertake to deal with the whole question of 
the management of the Thames waters, including its tributaries. 

2nd. That a special regard be had to the breeding of fishes. 

3rd. That with respect to Oxford a plan and estimate should be carefully gone 
into for applying the Sewage, by the method of irrigation, to grass lands. 

4th. That steps be taken, when new powers are had, for the strict regulation of 
cesspools, but not for their compulsory abolition. 

It remains for me to refer the reader to the following valuable Letter which 
Professor Voelcker kindly permits me to make public : 

* I have no certain information to bring fice it to refer to Mr. Lawes' Paper, to Lehman's 

against this statement, but it is scarcely credible. Chemistry, and various Physiological AVorks, 

Where there is sufficient fall, the west country for such particulars ; and to add, that I am 

catch meadows are constructed at far less cost favoured by Mr. Lawes with the practical opinion 

than ordinary draining. that our Sewage water would be advantageously 

t It is unnecessary to add here calculations of distributed over 200 acres of land, 

the amount of Urine and of Faecal matter, and X See Report of the Board of Health on Sewer 

their contained Nitrogenous constituents voided water, &c. ; quoted above, 
daily by the 26,000 inhabitants of Oxford. Suf- 



122 Voelcker on the Town Seivage Question. 



" Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, 
Feb. 7th, 1856. 
'■ Dear Sir, 

The economic application of Sewage water, as you well know, is attended with consider- 
able difficulties, arising, on the one hand, from the great dilution of this liquid, and, on the 
other, from the absence of any efficient method of economically extracting the soluble, and 
bv far the most valuable manuring substances. 

The attempts which have been made in this country to convert Sewage into a portable 
solid manure have failed ; and I believe all processes that will be employed for this purpose 
must give unsatisfactory results, as long as we remain unacquainted with the means of 
obtaining economically the soluble ammoniacal and nitrogenized compounds, as well as the 
more valuable alkaline compounds, which together form so large, and by far the most valu- 
able portion of Sewage water. 

The lime process of Mr.Wicksteed, it is true, deodorizes Sewage water, but in my opinion 
is not calculated to produce a portable manure, which can be used with economy even 
beyond a short distance from the manufactory. In the elaborate paper on Sewage Manure, 
by Mr. Lawes, this gentleman has clearly shewn that the agriculturist can buy the same 
amount of fertilizing constituents, contained in Sewage manure, prepared by the lime pro- 
cess, at a much cheaper rate in the form of Guano, or of bone-dust. Mr. Wicksteed's calcula- 
tion of the commercial value of the Leicester Sewage manure is not based on any data, but 
is merely assumed. 

It is to be regretted that he proposes to verify his calculation by the practical experience 
of farmers, who may employ this manure, instead of calling into aid analytical chemistry, 
which might tell him at once whether or not his calculation be correct. 

Practical experiments, except they are comparative, and made under the most varied 
circumstances, and extended over a long period, cannot determine the money value of a 
manure. The efficacy of a manure does not necessarily determine its commercial value. 
Lime, for instance, often produces a most beneficial effect on the land to which it is applied, 
but no one would think of estimating the commercial value of lime by the effects it produces 
when used as a manure. Its fertilizing value indeed is often much greater than its com- 
mercial or money value. 

The Leicester manure, I have no doubt, may be applied with economy to many soils, 
especially to land deficient in lime ; but the effects which it will produce on one soil, or even 
a number of soils, cannot serve as data for calculating its commercial value. This is ascer- 
tained by putting the question : At what price can I best buy in the manure-market those 
matters, which, existing in the Sewage manure produce a given effect ? The determination 
of the amount of those substances contained in this manure, on which its fertilizing value 



Voelcker on the Town Sewage Question. 12.'3 

depends, at once enables us to calculate how much it is worth. Had Mr. Wicksteed applied 
this infallible test to the Leicester Sewage manure, he would have found that his estimate of 
the value of this manure is far too high. 

In my opinion, the lime-process cannot furnish a portable manure, which when sold at a 
price that leaves a fair profit to the maker, mav not be more economically purchased in 
other fertilizing matters. 

Allow me also to point out to you an evident mistake, which has crept into Mr.Wicksteed's 
able Report. It is stated on the authority of Messrs. Aikin and Taylor, that the lime re- 
moved nearly all the soluble matter in the Leicester Sewage water, (see Wicksteed's Report, 
p. 46) ; and further, on the authority of Mr. West, chemist of Leeds, that the clear 
Sewage water, drawn from the lime-deposit, contained not a trace of any other matter than 
carbonate of lime, sulphate of lime, and chloride of sodium. Professor Way and Mr. Lawes, 
on the contrary, have shewn that the soluble ammoniacal compounds and salts of potash, 
which constitute a large proportion of the solid matter in Sewage water, cannot be removed 
by lime ; a fact, I think, which every analytical chemist will find verified, who will take the 
trouble and possesses the requisite skill of thoroughly investigating this subject. 

The impractibility of converting Sewage, bv means of lime, into a solid manure may 
suggest the question, whether it may not be advisable to replace the Sewer system by tanks, 
in which the human excrements may be collected unmixed with foreign matters. Collected 
in this way human excrements no doubt are more manageable, and better adapted to the 
manufacture of a portable manure. 

I am, however, no advocate for cesspools, for the following reasons : 

In the first place, I believe, cesspools would nowhere be tolerated where the comparative 
salubrity of water-closets has once been appreciated. 

In the second place, I would observe, that the periodical emptying of cesspools is a great 
nuisance, which in crowded cities would become intolerable, and be more or less injurious 
to the inhabitants. 

In my own native place, Frankfort on the Main, most houses are provided with cess- 
pools, situated below the cellar, and so large as not to require to be emptied but every 
four or five years. These cesspools, when nearly full, fill the houses with an insufferable 
smell, and as the town authorities allow their being emptied only after eleven o'clock at 
night, during- the colder seasons of the year, much inconvenience, and, no doubt, injury to 
the health of the inhabitants is caused by them. The effluvia from the contents of the cess- 
pools during their removal is so great, that those people who have friends whom they can 
visit, or can afford to take a journey, leave the house when the cesspool requires to be 
emptied. The sulphuretted hydrogen which is given off from the excrementitious matters 
during their removal, tarnishes every metal vessel in the house, and blackens the white paint 
to such an extent that the whole house has to be repainted. That no accidents occur I can 
only ascribe to the general custom of sprinkling the whole house with a solution of chloride 
of lime, and leaving doors and windows open dav and night. 

In the third place, I know that the manufacturer of a portable manure from undiluted 



] 24 Voelcker on the Town Sewage Question. 

human excrements, experiences a similar difficulty to that which is felt in the attempt to 
prepare >• valuable solid manure from Sewage water. 

The Paris and Frankfort dried nightsoil manures are far more concentrated and valuable, 
than the portable Sewage manures prepared by the lime process, and yet the French and 
German poudrettes find little favour with the practical man, simply because they have found 
by experience that they can obtain the fertilizing matters contained in poudrette more 
cheaply, by laying out their money in the purchase of stable-dung, or guano, bone-dust, and 
other portable manures. 

The reason of this is obvious. In the manufacture of poudrette, the constituents of urine, 
which in comparison with the solid excrements are far more valuable, are lost almost entirely. 
The result of this is a manure of comparatively speaking low fertilizing value, which the 
manufacturer can only dispose of at a fair profit, by asking a higher price than it is worth 
intrinsically. The conversion of the contents of cesspools into an economic portable manure, 
no doubt, is capable of improvement ; but in our present state of chemical knowledge a great 
obstacle is presented in the impossibility of economically incorporating with such a manure 
the most valuable constituents of excrementitious matters. 

As carried out at present, the manufacture of poudrette is neither very profitable to the 
maker, nor advantageous to the agriculturist who uses dried nightsoil manure. 

Thus even on the score of the economy of preparing a portable manure from the 
contents of cesspools, the erection of tanks in the place of sewers, I believe, cannot be 
recommended. 

These and other considerations, which it would lead me too far to detail in this letter, 
have convinced me, 1st, that the sewers of towns ought not to be displaced by cesspools ; 
2nd, that at present the manufacture of a portable manure from Sewage water cannot be 
carried out beneficially to the farming interest ; and, 3rd, that the only manner in which 
Sewage water appears to me likely to become an economical manure, is to employ it for 
irrigating grass land, and probably also market gardens. 

In conclusion, I may observe, that the soil is so excellent a disinfectant, that no injury 
to the public health would arise from an extensive system of irrigation with Sewage water. 

Believe me, dear Sir, to be 

Yours very truly, 

AUGUSTUS VOELCKER." 
Dr. H. Acland. 

There can be no better commentary on the general conclusions of the previous 
Essay, and on the Letter from Professor Voelcker, than an Analysis, which has been 
made at the Royal Agricultural College at Cirencester since the above were in type. 
This Analysis is subjoined. 



Voelcker on the Town Sewage Question. 



125 



•' Composition of Leicester Bricks, made from Seieage by Mr. Wichteecfs 

Lime-process. 



Moisture 

Organic Matters * 

Oxides of Iron and Alumina 

Phosphate of Lime (bone-earth) 

Carbonate of Lime 

Sulphate of Lime 

Carbonate of Magnesia 

Potash 

Chloride of Sodium 

Insoluble Siliceous Matter (sand) 



Containing Nitrogen 
Equal to Ammonia 



10-52 

12-46 
2-89 
2-27 

52.99 

176 

3-67 

•26 

•45 

13-50 



100-77 
•60 

■72 



" In glancing at the results obtained in the analyses of the Leicester- sewage-brick manure, 
it will be observed that its chief component part is Chalk. It contains also a good deal of 
Sand, Clay, and about 12 per cent, of Organic matters, besides 10 per cent, of Moisture, 
some Gypsum, Magnesia, and Phosphate of Lime. The Organic matter furnishes on de- 
composition but a small amount of Ammonia, and therefore is not worth much as a manuring 
constituent. 

It will be observed, that this Manure contains little more than i per cent, of Nitrogen, 
only 2 per cent, of Phosphate of Lime, or bone-earth, and no appreciable quantity of Potash, 
or ready formed Ammonia. 

Now since the economic value of an artificial Manure depends principally, I, Upon the 
amount of Nitrogen, which it contains, in the form of Ammonia, or Nitric Acid, or Nitro- 
genous Organic Matter ; 2, Upon the percentage of Phosphates (bone-earth), and, 3, Upon 
the amount of Salts of Potash, it is plain that the intrinsic value of a Manure, which is as 
poor in these constituents as the Leicester Bricks, must be very small indeed. 

A careful calculation will show that the whole of the Nitrogen, Phosphate of Lime, and 
Potash contained in 1 ton of Leicester Bricks, can be supplied in f cwt. of Peruvian Guano 
and 1 bushel of commercial bone-dust. 

The expenses for f cwt. of Guano being 9 shillings, and for 1 bushel of bone-dust 3 shil- 
lings, will bring the intrinsic value of the Leicester Brick-manure to no more than 12 shillings 
per ton. 

J. CHR. AUG. VOELCKER, M.D. 

Prof, of Chemistry in the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester." 



Cirencester, April 4th, 1856. 



126 The State requires efficiency in Voluntary Work. 

CHAPTER IV. 

On certain points affecting Voluntary Institutions for giving Medical Aid. 

It has been said that one of the distinctive characters of the Christian era is the 
existence of great institutions, whereby they who need help, receive it ; and receive 
it not by right, but by good will. Concerning this observation two things may be 
remarked ; the one, that it is to be noticed of some men that they detest all which 
they receive from another as of favour : the other, that some claim from the com- 
munity in which they live that their actual necessities should be provided for as of 
right. Both these propositions have a show of reason, and are often found to 
be popular. Both, when pushed to their extreme limits, are certainly untenable. 
In the happy order of things which the Providence of God has permitted to arise 
out of the mixed wilfulness and strong sense of our Anglo-Saxon Race, it has come 
about that the two principles above named, whatever may be said of them on theo- 
retical grounds, have, in many particulars, and in every department of our common- 
wealth, been happily blended. Sometimes they clash : the voluntary labourers 
resent the compulsion of the State ; and the State officials honestly desire to obtain 
uniformity of action. The unsymmetrical but mighty machine of a kingdom such 
as England, creaks in the ears of the Executive, as the multifarious and too often 
heterogeneous portions labour on their way. To regulate this mechanism, if its 
several parts play lawlessly, each on its own axis regardless of all unity of action, is 
manifestly impossible. To cripple the will of the individual centres, to force them to 
obey rigidly an inflexible law, is to pluck out the elasticity which forms the whole 
into a living body ; to destroy the powers which made it what it has become, to 
stifle for ever the energies which alone give it the power of repair, and to condemn 
it to destruction by the pressure of surrounding and antagonistic elements. 

Of this combination of principles, and of these modes of action, the Medical Relief, 
afforded to the Poorer classes in England, is an example. 

Examine the instance of a County Town such as Oxford. A poor man ill has 
practically the choice of going into the sick ward of the Union-house, of being 
attended at his own home by the Union surgeon, of receiving advice at the Dis- 
pensary, of being attended at his own home by the Dispensary surgeon, of becom- 
ing an out-patient at the Hospital, or an in-patient at the Hospital*. If his case be 
chronic, he may, by selecting the admission-day, place himself under whatever 
Physician he pleases, in a medical case ; or whatever Surgeon, in a surgical case. 

It is hardly necessary to add that the State provides the Union Medical Relief ; 
that the Voluntary kindness of individuals, bestowed by legacies, gifts, or subscrip- 
tions, secures the remainder ; that to the extent of the State relief there is no 

* Of course, he often obtains, besides or instead, advice from Practitioners not belonging to anv 
of these Institutions. 



The Nature of the Poor Law Medical Relief. 127 

limit ; and to the relief afforded voluntarily, the limit of the size of the Institution, 
and the power of finding a Recommendation, if the Hospital be not a Free one. 

Now, first, as to the Medical Aid provided by the State. 

It is sometimes the fashion to decry the Union Medical Relief. Nothing can be 
more unjust. Every precaution is taken to ensure that it should be the best that 
is to be had. The Parish in full conclave elects its Guardian ; the Guardians, or 
the majority of them, appoint their Medical Officer, and fix his salary. An able 
Government Commission watches their proceedings, and keeps them within certain 
bounds. There is every guarantee therefore that the Officer shall be the best that 
can be obtained ; the regulations under which he acts, his salary, and his duties 
the most proper under all the circumstances of the case. If it be not so in the 
practical result, it must be because the electors do not do their duty, or because 
good medical men will not take the office, or because the State regulations are 
faulty : either one or two or all of these may combine. It is impossible for me here 
to pursue this argument to its end* ; but this must be added. The Poor Law of 
England is one of the most amazing institutions that the world has ever seen. It 
is a guarantee on the part of the community, to every individual composing it, that 
he shall neither want food, clothing, shelter, or medical aid when he is in need and 
cannot, by his own exertions, or by reason of ill-health, obtain them. It is true 
that the State gives no more of these than is barely necessary for life— but it gives 
that. As Dr. Farr has itt in an invaluable Essay on Insurance :• — 

" In a nation without a settled system of relief, such as the Poor Law affords, the sick man often 
obtains relief at Hospitals in the large cities ; he is sometimes succoured by the Priest, or by the 
Christian proprietor; but how often does it happen that all these resources fail, or afford only tem- 
porary succour to an abiding infirmity ? Death by starvation is in England accidental ; in the coun- 
tries without a Poor Law — that is, in nearly every other country — the relief of want and suffering is 
the accident." 

But he goes on to say, as it is necessary to add, 

" The Poor Law is imperfect, as it professes only to be a provision against destitution ; and pro- 
vides the same relief for the accidentally ruined proprietor, merchant, lawyer, medical man, farmer, 

* I cannot, with propriety, here discuss what sional men to be a means of further overworking 

is the proper amount of the salaries to be paid to and underpaying them. The Oxford Guardians 

Union Surgeons. The whole subject of Medical have made liberal and admirable arrangements 

Relief, provided by the State, requires funda- in their United Parishes. They have halved the 

mental revision. I have been told of instances of work, increased the salary, and have given the 

Union Surgeons spending more than their salary Union Surgeons a Dispenser, and provide all 

on Medicine alone for the poor, for several years. Medicines. This is well for the Surgeon, better 

It may be true that they prefer this to surrendering for the poor. 

their office ; but there is no question, I think, that t See the Twelfth Annual Report of the Re- 
it is ungenerous on the part of a State to allow gistrar General, 
the very necessities and known kindness of profes- 

Q 2 



128 The Nature of Hospital Medical Relief. 

tradesman; — for the mutilated artizan, for the agricultural labourer, bending under the heavy labours 
of a long life, who have either contributed largely for many years to the poor-rates, or have supported 
themselves to the last moment of pressure, the same workhouse for all the unfortunate members of 
these classes as is provided for the vagrants, beggars, drunkards, unimprisoned criminals, for all the 
idle and improvident members of society, who never contribute to the poor-rates at all, but are con- 
stantly living, and breeding families of beggars to live in perpetuity, at the expense of the rate- 
payers." 

The Poor Law does not profess then to provide any of the luxuries of life : and 
so gives help to none who can obtain better. It is quite conceivable that a State 
might compel all its members to insure their lives according to their station, but 
ours does not. Accordingly they who desire more than the supply of the Poor 
Law, and are able to obtain it from their wealthier neighbours; or to provide by 
Voluntary Associations, such as Benevolent Societies, and the like, do not come to 
the State for Relief. This applies to Medical advice, as well as to food and to 
shelter. 

It should of course be remarked, that before the Poor Law had reached its pre- 
sent systematic and admirably contrived work of administration, many of our large 
Hospitals existed ; and they were founded by benevolent persons because the State 
did not do its duty ; and that, therefore, if we admit that the Medical Relief of the 
Poor is properly provided by the State, then such Subscriptional Hospitals are 
superfluous. It is the special object of this section to state clearly what seems to be 
the Function of such Hospitals ; and under what conditions they may hope to con- 
tinue to discharge, with advantage to the community, the duties they have under- 
taken. 

Hospitals, supported as Benevolent and Voluntary Institutions, profess to pro- 
vide medical aid either to persons who do not come within reach of the State assist- 
ance, or to give to those who do come within that reach, more than the State 
affords. If the matter be viewed rigorously, they ought only to do the former ; 
because Medicine and Surgery can properly be handled only in one manner. The 
equality of man in his bodily nature raises her voice, and says, " Sickness is one 
to the poor, and one to the rich : or if not so, then, the poor, because of his 
poverty, needs the more in his sickness." Therefore the poor of the Union should 
be at least as well cared for as the patients of the Hospital. But, in fact, it is not 
so. A Hospital is one of those institutions that cannot be conducted meanly and 
well : a person may be warmly and meanly clad, warmly and meanly housed, well 
and cheaply fed. But he cannot be as well, as healthily, as readily cared for in his 
sickness in a poor Institution as in a more wealthy one ; in a very small as in a 
larger one ; in an Institution where cheapness rather than kindness and charity is 
the first law. 

I do not mean to say that a ward in a Poor-house cannot be as well furnished. 



Hospitals are Standards of Medical Science and Practice. 129 

and as kindly watched, and as skilfully officered as a ward in St. George's Hospital; 
but in many Poor-houses it would be difficult; in some impossible; in few, 1 suspect, 
can it be seen. But still the principle of the State Relief, as things are now, will 
enter more or less into the Infirmary of the Union ; a magnificent Hospital, the 
pride of the wealthy, the joy of the loving, subscribers, will gather round it 
more scientific appliances, more medical talent, more earnest pupils, more trained 
nurses than the Guardians can hope to obtain. The large Hospitals will thus be 
deservedly esteemed a boon to those who can frequent them ; and will be certainly 
preferred to even the best Infirmary provided, as at present, by the State, to be 
used at the will of all who need. 

The desirableness then of the existence of Hospitals for the Poor, independent of 
and beyond the Medical relief afforded by the State, being admitted, they have cor- 
responding duties. I will endeavour to state, first, what Functions a Subscriptional 
Hospital may be reasonably expected to discharge : and, secondly, what kind of 
persons should be able to profit by them. 

A General Public Hospital should show itself to be — 

(i) A Standard of Medical and Surgical Science and Practice, and a means 
of promoting a knowledge of both. 

(2) A Model of Economical Arrangement, and of Scientific Sanitary 

Appliances. 

(3) A Pattern of the Manner of Managing the Sick, under whatever aspect 

they may be considered. 

First — Hospitals should be a Standard of Medical Science and Practice. 

The question has been often discussed whether Hospital appointments should be 
obtained by examination, or as now, by the chances of popular election. Probablv 
the best way is by leaving the choice to a Committee, appointed by the body of 
electors for the purpose. This has been done at St. Mary's Hospital in London. 
But, no doubt, upon the whole, the Hospital appointments in Great Britain and 
Ireland are held by a set of men inferior to none of their brethren. They have the 
advantages as well as the duties which belong to the posts of mark in their pro- 
fession, and are virtually the chief teachers of it. It is unnecessary therefore to 
speak of Hospitals in this respect : they cannot, on the whole, be better officered. 
With regard to work done in imparting the knowledge which the Staff possesses, 
it varies according to the size, nature, locality, and popularity of the Institution 
to which they are attached. The Metropolitan Hospitals take the lead ; and it is 
proper and eminently desirable that they should. It is only in special cases that 
Provincial Hospitals should attempt to compete with them. These cases are those 



130 All Hospitals teach in some sense, 

where the Hospital stands in the centre of a great population ; and where therefore 
it is a large one, largely supplied with acute cases, and with numerous examples of 
slighter forms of disease : and where also the Medical Staff is picked from a wide 
circle of active Practitioners. Provincial Hospitals can have no vocation to teach 
students if they are not so circumstanced ; with this reservation, that a small number of 
hard working men can obtain a great deal of Clinical knowledge in a small Hospital : 
either at the outset of their pupillage, or at its close : a first-rate Medical Educa- 
tion they cannot get. 

Nothing else can offer the peculiar benefits which a large Metropolitan Olinique be- 
stows. An advanced student might have great advantages in a Hospital such as the 
Radcliffe Infirmary. Not however as that is now conducted. A young man entering 
as a pupil there sees only the practice of one person : he is one man's pupil. He 
could perhaps enter to several of the Staff; but that is not the custom. He there- 
fore studies one-seventh of the cases. The same arrangement exists with the 
Clinical Professorship. Instead of there being, as in Edinburgh, two or three 
Clinical Teachers, one Physician alone gives Clinical Lectures : so that only a 
third of the Medical Cases, or not a seventh of the inmates serve for Clinical 
Instruction*. 

There are reasons which need not be discussed in this place, why in Oxford and 
Cambridge it is unquestionably desirable that there should be a certain range of 
Medical and Surgical Instruction ; but, speaking of Provincial Hospitals generally, 
their function as teachers is not that of giving lectures to pupils. It is being to the 
surrounding districts the accessible, public standard of the state of Medical and 
Surgical Practice, and of Medical and Surgical Science and Apparatus. It is a silent 
testimony they give, but an invaluable one. But for this purpose they must in every 
thing be kept as nearly as possible on a par with the Metropolitan Hospitals. 
Why this is of special moment will presently appear. Let it therefore be here only 
repeated, that the first aim of a Provincial Hospital should be to meet all the 
great exigencies, Medical and Surgical, of its district, and to be a Centre of Medi- 
cal Experience and Knowledge. 

Secondly — A Provincial Hospital is to be to its District a Model of Sanitary and 

(Economical arrangement. 

In the same way the Hospital is to be looked up to as the Type of all Scientific 
Hygienic appliances and of useful ceconomical arrangement ; for instance, of Ventila- 
tion. All Hospitals are not however agreed on the propriety of this. Gas was lately 

* It has been earnestly pressed on the Hebdomadal Council, in order to avoid this loss of power, 
to divide the Clinical Professorship, hereafter, among the Physicians, or at all events to divide it into 
two. But that body, I am told, has no power to make such a change. 



and should be Models of Sanitary appliances and arrangements. 1:31 

introduced into the Radcliffe Infirmary : some of the Medical Staff — and others — 
signed a protest against its introduction without proper Ventilating Flues : partly 
on the general ground of impropriety : partly on the ground of the public duty that 
the Hospital should in such things be a model of Sanitary arrangement. But the 
votes decided the other way : so that there is a ready answer when, in this part of 
England, Ventilation is asked for in workshops or sleeping rooms — " at the Oxford 
Infirmary the introduction of Gas into wards used both for sleeping and living was 
discussed ; and it was settled that it might be introduced, and that Ventilating 
Tubes were unnecessary *." 

The County, on the other hand, decided on adopting the most elaborate means 
for Warming and Ventilating the County Gaol ; and that Institution must be re- 
ferred to, and not our Hospital, for appliances of this nature. When indeed the 
same standard of internal perfection which has been aimed at in our excellent County 
Prison, has been provided for the sick poor of the district, we may hope to see effi- 
cient and equable warmth and Ventilation ; a more extended garden for those 
approaching to convalescence ; and a large covered and warmed airing ground for 
the treatment of pulmonary diseases, which abound in some portions of our popu- 
lation ; a safe place for contagious disease : separate wards for special diseases : and 
a clergyman resident on the premises. 

In another particular also a Provincial Hospital may, by very small means, effect 
great results, I mean by instruction in the Kitchen. It is needless to pourtray the 
unimaginative character of common English cooking. Where a Frenchman, a Ger- 
man, or an Italian can luxuriate, an Englishman will grow thin. Various books 
have been written to remedy this misfortune, culminating in M. Soyer's elaborate 
volumes. In no department of this branch of Chemistry applied to the arts are 
we more signally behind our age than in that of Food for the Sick. It is a very few 
years, not ten, since, in a well known Hospital, every patient had on Christmas-day 
roast-beef and plum pudding, followed probably by senna the next day. It was 
thought a fanciful innovation at the time that a young Physician suggested that jelly, 
or fish, or any other delicacy might, for just the same cost, be given in honour of the 
Christmas festival. A similar inelasticity pervades the whole culinary menage. A 
Hospital might be maintained for less cost with more culinary resources ; and the 
women would learn to value what they would see in practice to be as advantageous 
as pleasant. It might be made, with very little trouble and with great advantage, 
a part of the duty of the Hospital kitchen to teach girls and adult females, whe- 
ther inmates of the Hospital or no, the essentials and the varieties of a sick 
dietary, and the other forms of useful and economical cookery. In almost every 
Town a Lady might be found who would undertake to superintend this department 

* See Appendix C. 



1 32 Hospitals may give Moral as well as Material Aid. 

with no charge whatever to the establishment. What would be the gain to the 
agricultural and labouring population of such a district as this, what the ameliora- 
tion of hundreds of cottage hearths by this slight addition to the objects of the 
Hospital, many benevolent persons will at once appreciate. 

Thirdly — The best manner of providing for the Inmates of Hospitals. 

Under the third head, the Best Manner of Managing the Sick, under whatever 
aspect they may be considered, are evidently contained questions of the most 
serious importance. I must crave forbearance from persons of various opinions 
while I endeavour to place the matter in a clear light, from the point of view in 
which it presents itself to me. This is undertaken with the more readiness, because 
there is just now a new feeling springing up in England on the whole subject of 
Hospitals and their Nurses : and there is much risk of misunderstanding, and 
consequent loss of power among the numerous philanthropists whose interests are 
engaged. 

The great question which is fundamentally at issue between those who desire to 
alter the character of our Hospital Nurses, and of our Hospitals, and those who 
think that upon the whole they are very well as they are in England, is this, Are 
Hospitals institutions for the mere relief of human suffering ? or, Are they religious 
houses in which our fellow men, treated with all the warmth of Christian charity, 
are to receive spiritual consolation and such medical aid as they require ? In other 
words, to push the difference between the two views to the extreme, Are they places 
for the benevolent application of science ? or, Are they Christian families, into which 
the Physician is called at the need of the inmates ? 

However it may be with other men, I heartily sympathize with both these views. 
I can take extreme delight ( I can use no other word) in the mere scientific applica- 
tion of the Healing Art, in all the dry routine of a vast Hospital, where the Student 
ind the Surgeon may for days and weeks exchange no other idea with the scores of 
his patients than those which relate to their vital changes, and their pathological 
processes; where the man, and his bed are known as No. 14 or 15, and his death 
thought of only as the end of the case : in all this, I say, I can, God be thanked, 
take extreme delight. It is the honest expression of earnest minds devoted to a 
noble purpose, with a zeal that knows no flagging, a heartiness that feels no 
daunting. It is that temper which has helped to make the Arts of Medicine and 
Surgery the boon to mankind which they are ; which scorns all meanness ; which 
courts all publicity ; which yearns after truth for the truth's sake ; and which at 
once sharpens the intellect, and strengthens the practical purpose of every nature 
xhat is noble enough to be ennobled by it. 



Hospitals, Students, and Nurses have not been too highly spoken of. 133 

And yet, on the other side, it must be admitted, that, with all this that has been 
said, great evil may be compatible, and has existed. The teachers may be lax and 
worldly ; the students dissolute ; the servants corrupt : it may, it need not, be so. 
I doubt not but that round the Hospitals of Europe there have, in days gone by, 
been gathered habits of vice ; but, speaking of what I have seen myself — I can do no 
more — I think many prevalent notions concerning Medical Students and Hospitals, 
unjust and unfounded. I wrote so when a student at a London Hospital : I repeat 
it with a much larger experience now. 

" Some persons, indeed, suppose that Medical students are different from other men ; and many 
hard things have been bandied about at our expense. I have heard their necessary occupations in 
the dissecting room, and their studies in the hospital vilified ; the very means, that is, which in pati- 
ence, in doubt, and in difficulty they pursue, that they may confer health and its blessings on their 
neighbours ; and, which is prodigious, the charge that usually crowns the rest, is, that they really 
take pride and pleasure in their pursuits. 

" Experience has, moreover, shown me, that the world has not been in this matter charitable above 
her wont. The question ought not to be, whether we are bad men, and want control, for that I 
doubt not ; but whether we are worse than other large bodies of young men. Considering our disad- 
vantages, I speak only of what I have seen, I think not*." 

With respect to the Nurses especially, I am most anxious for an opportunity of 
publicly testifying, that as far as I can recollect, having been in the wards as much 
and at as various times as any student of my age, I have never heard a nurse say 
an improper thing, or saw a nurse do an improper act. For aught I know, many 
have been dismissed for various misconduct during my pupil days ; and no doubt 
were so : but I may further say, that, of all the nurses I happen to have known, 
the three persons I would rather have in my house, in the case of any grievous ill- 
ness befalling me or mine, are or have been all of them hospital nurses. 

So much however is known of our ordinary English Hospital system, that it 
would be idle in me to describe it. It is like most other things in England, neither 
perfect nor bad. As mere Medical institutions, I suppose them not to be sur- 
passed. Through the devotion of our Chaplains t and other religious visitors, 
much is done for the spiritual, and intellectual, and moral care of the inmates ; 
much more is done in foreign countries, and more can be done in this : the question 
is, had it better be done ? 

The simple way of answering this question is, to remind the reader of the mode 
of working in a well known institution, often held up as a model for imitation : I 

* A letter from a Medical Student on some Moral Difficulties in his Studies, and on the Duty of 
the State to aid in lessening them. Rivington and Churchill, 1841. 

t I cannot speak of Hospital Chaplains without recording my debt of gratitude to the Chaplains 
of St. George's and of Guy's while I was a student in London. 

R 



134 Pastor Fliedner, and Sisters of Charity. 

mean the establishment of the excellent Pastor Fliedner at Kaiserswerth ; one 
which certainly any one, desirous of practical information on this aspect of a 
Hospital, should visit. It may of course be said, that Pastor Fliedner's Hospital 
is really founded for the purpose of training his Deaconesses ; and yet this is no 
objection. It is a Hospital worked on the plan of a religious institution. It will 
be borne in mind, that the very essence of this indefatigable man's work is to 
show that such a Charity can exist among Protestants ; and that he has no reason 
to doubt this, from the extraordinary success of his work, will, I believe, be readily 
allowed. His Deaconesses — persons of every rank — agree to remain for a certain 
time, are at liberty however to leave if they will ; and serve without money re- 
ward*. Ladies of noble birth are among his Sisters; women of the humblest 
origin, and the meanest education, are equally available. Each understands the 
whole routine of the house ; but each finds her vocation in that for which her 
previous life and her qualities the best fit her. I imagine no one doubts the reality 
of the benefits conferred. The character of the medical and surgical treatment 
must of course depend upon the officers who accept or are appointed to the re- 
spective duties. 

It is impossible to go round the wards of a Continental Hospital, in which 
Sisters of Charity perform or superintend the work of the house, without feeling 
that they inspire into the sick rooms an air of cheerfulness and of comfort 
which cannot be surpassed. There is a charm in that which is done for love, 
which cannot be purchased. They who are paid may, of their free will, bring the 
law of love to their work ; but, as a general rule, the love of the shepherd, and 
the work of the hireling have each their distinctive mark. Whatever faults in the 
conduct of the people ; whatever grave errors in the subjugation of their will ; 
whatever falsehood in the dogmas of their teachers, it must be owned that the 
Religious women of the Continent have the art of tending the sick, and caring for 
the orphans. There is no sight more touching than to see dense rows of young 
children rising tier above tier in a crowded schoolroom, that stands in the heart of a 
crowded district of our large towns; the sunk eyes of sickly and inattentive children; 
the pale and eager faces of those intent and able to learn ; the marks of poverty 
and domestic suffering that may be read in their dress and their general bearing ; 
the harassed and careworn face of a young government master, who has tasked 
himself beyond his strength to gain a precarious but honourable position : nothing, 
T say, more touching in one aspect of human life, except only in another view of 
it, to see in some foreign Orphan-house a high-born Sister playing with her self- 
appointed orphan charges ; with every appliance that her religious notions suggest ; 

* They have only sufficient to obtain their clothes. 



The State requires efficiency in Voluntary undertakings. 1 35 

with every charm that her manner may impart ; with the most entire perception of 
the weakness of her charge, and of the variety of methods of cheering, soothing, 
training them in body and in mind. 

It is quite impossible, I think, for any unprejudiced person to see and compare 
these two sights, without feeling that we have something to learn of the manner of 
tending the sick, and rearing the young among our poor. 

If, in the present section, any single suggestion were to be offered, especially to 
Provincial Hospitals, it would be the having attached to them a Residence for a 
Married Chaplain. In some institutions he lives far from his Hospital, and has 
other duties*. It cannot therefore be his home. If the Chaplain and his household 
be part of the Institution, and himself a man of earnestness of purpose, and ability 
and judgment equal to his office, his residence at his Hospital would probably 
bring all of spiritual, intellectual, and ceconomical advantage which the English 
mind will approve or can attain. Such a person, as the Governors would be likely 
to appoint, would check all the novelties and fancies which the well intentioned, 
but inexperienced, might desire to introduce : while he would bring about all that 
his own office, or the tender watchfulness of his wife, might suggest of real pastoral 
and temporal good, to the many ignorant and uncultivated people that would pass 
under his care. 

In a country where so many excellent Subscriptional Hospitals exist, it may- 
seem to have been superfluous to narrate what has been just set forth. It is how- 
ever of great moment that these principles should be clear in the minds of the sub- 
scribers, and that they should not be lost sight of. The whole fabric of Voluntary 
Hospitals may be endangered, if even one Hospital were to fall short of them. The 
way this unfortunate result may be brought about, and the consequences that 
would ensue, may thus be briefly stated. 

The State reasonably requires of its Institutions, by whomsoever founded or con- 
ducted, that they fulfil their work ; and in the event of their failing, the genius of 
the day places them under State protection ; takes away much of their voluntary 
character, or appoints State Institutions in their stead. This process might very 
soon take place in all Medical and Sanitary Institutions. England has become 
what she is mainly by private and local voluntary exertions. But her Government, 
alive to her great needs, intends to see those exertions rightly directed, and equal 
to her emergencies : or to place them under Central control : this may be an evil, 
but it is a much less evil than shortcoming. The true wisdom lies in our making- 
all Local Institutions rise with the increasing demands of a growing population 

* At the Radcliffe Infirmary the income given to the Chaplaincy is divided between two Clergy- 
men, who visit on alternate months, neither being residents. In four years we have had three elections 
to the Junior Chaplaincy. 

B 2 



136 Small Families suffer grievously when visited by Contagious Diseases. 

and advanced civilization ; in our determination to make them each year fit repre- 
sentatives of the knowledge, wisdom, and science of the present epoch, such as they 
were at the day of their foundation. 

The General Board of Health, in their Instructional Minute issued in 1854, dis- 
couraged the multiplication of Hospitals for the reception of Cholera Cases : but 
they advised that wherever there is a General Hospital, in a Town, conveniently 
accessible, arrangements should, if possible, be made with the authorities for the 
reception of necessitous Cases. Whatever applies to Cholera will apply to other 
Epidemics ; such as Scarlet Fever, Typhus, and Small-pox. The request is most 
reasonable. 

The amount of inconvenience, not to say risk, which small families undergo when 
their only servant, or one of a small number is prostrate with Fever, or other infec- 
tious disease, can hardly be appreciated by those who have not experienced it. If 
the General Subscriptional Hospitals cannot relieve their Towns of the danger and 
discomfort of such Cases, assuredly accommodation will and should be provided by 
the Guardians ; or by order of the General Board of Health ; or by some other 
compulsory demand on the rates. If the Guardians, during an Epidemic, are com- 
pelled to erect a Hospital, they assuredly would not remove it when the Epidemic 
is ended. They would foresee the need of such an Institution ; they would keep it 
standing ; probably use it ; and gradually receive into it persons afflicted with other 
urgent disease : a Staff would grow up round it ; arrangements would be permitted 
by which the poor of other unions would enter it ; then patients would be admitted 
on payment ; and the Voluntary Hospital would necessarily decline in funds and fall 
into desuetude. 

If the two Hospitals were equally good, there might be nothing to lament in this : 
but other circumstances are intimately mixed up with any organic social change 
such as this. These consequences are viewed by one person as the greatest advan- 
tage ; by another as one of the greatest evils. 

With respect to Subscriptional Hospitals, the case is this : I have met persons 
who wish to see Hospitals supported " out of the Rates :" they view in that the 
transfer of influence from the Aristocracy and the Gentry, and the Clergy, and the 
wealthier parts of the community, the present maintainers of the ' Charities,' to 
the will of the greatest number of the voters : they see in that change, at all events 
a blow to classes they dislike, and a possible obscure gain to themselves. 

In this change there would be a disruption of many ties ; opportunities of kind- 
ness lost on one side, and of gratitude on the other ; and duties of charity trans- 
ferred to the call of the collector. Hear what an eminent French writer says, who 
has made England his especial study. 

" L'opinion est encore d'aceord avec la tradition pour imposer au sujet Anglais le droit et le devoir 
de travailler et de prendre de la peine dans l'interet du bien ge'neral. * * 



On the true ground for admission to a Hospital. 1:57 

" Les premiers interets de tout peuple civilise, l'enseignement, la charite, la police, plongent leur? 
racines et puisent leur seve dans l'intarissable reservoir des volontes independantes et des sacrifices 
spontane's de vingt millions d'ames Chretiennes. 

" L'Anglais donne son argent, son temps, son nom a une ceuvre de charite ou d'interet public ; 
il met sa gloire a ce que 1' ceuvre qu'il adopte ainsi soit au niveau de tous les besoins et de tous les 
progres ; mais pour y parvenir il ne songe pas a invoquer ou a accepter la main mise des agents du 
pouvoir sur tout ce que ses peres et lui ont fonde. II garde l'autorite avec la responsabilite', le droit 
avec le devoir. * * 

" Supported by Voluntary Subscription .- telle est la fiere et noble inscription qu'on lit dans toute 
l'Angleterre sur la facade de la plupart des hopitaux, des hospices, des asiles divers de la misere 
humaine. Alors memo que le governement a pris l'initiative, le public est toujours venu revendiquer 
sa part et son droit : condidit rex, civium largitas perfecit, comme il est dit sur la facade de l'im- 
mense hopital des alienes de Bedlam. On comprend bien que ces mots : entretenus par des souscrip- 
tions volontaires, impliquent ceux ci : gouvernes par l'autorite' des souscripteurs. C'est toujours le 
raerae principe : l'effort, le sacrifice personnel et permanent, puis le droit et le pouvoir naissant du 
sacrifice et de l'effort. Tant que ce principe sera en force et en honneur, V Anyleterre n'aura rien a 
craindre* ." 



There are four other points which the observation of some years induces me to 
suggest to the consideration of the Philanthropists of this and other Cities which 
may be in circumstances similar to our own. 

Serious Disease the true claim for admission to a Hospital. 

The professional services of a Hospital are mainly without emolument; and 
cheerfully and thankfully rendered : therefore the work should be made as light as 
is consistent with its being done with efficiency. In some Hospitals the senior 
medical officers take the in-patients, and there are junior officers who take the out- 
patients. Here in Oxford all have charge of out-patients. I am inclined to doubt 
whether this is a wise arrangement ; and I believe it would be far better if the two 
senior Physicians had the in-patients, with each a Clinical Professorship, and the 
junior had the out-patients. On this there is much to be said on either side. 
Next, it may be doubted whether in Oxford it is necessary that there should be 
any Medical out-patients*. I believe that, considering the fact that far more at- 
tention is exacted than formerly from the Union Surgeon, — liberally administered 
as the Oxford Union is in this particular, — that there is an excellent Subscriptional 
Dispensary, with a paid medical officer to attend the poor at their own homes, it 
may with confidence be said that the poor can be better cared for in the City by 
the Union or Dispensary Surgeon than they are as out-patients at the Hospital. 
With respect to Medical out-patients from the Country, I am convinced that many 

* L'Avenir Politique de L'Angleterre par Le Comte de Montalembert, p. 255. e'd. 2 de . 
* This does not apply to In-patients discharged relieved. 



138 Recommendations for In-patients and Out-patients not equally useful. 

derive great injury from journeys to Oxford in inclement weather ; and that they 
come to and fro, when it would be better that, rather than do so, they should have 
no treatment at all. I will not venture to speak of other Towns, especially the large 
Towns of England, and still less of London, which is quite exceptional in this par- 
ticular ; but I am satisfied that in this and the surrounding Counties, considering 
the excellent Practitioners who hold Union appointments in them, Country patients 
should be discouraged from coming as Medical out-patients to Oxford as much as 
possible. Further, that if the Subscribers to the Hospital, after calmly reviewing 
the whole circumstances of the Country, the improvement in the Poor Law, and the 
higher education of the general Practitioners in country districts, should then con- 
clude that out-patients' orders for Medical cases should still exist, it would be far 
better to have one Form of Recommendation, and to let it rest with the Physician 
of the week to decide which cases should occupy the beds, and which should be out- 
patients. It is certain that in our Hospital it constantly happens that many of 
the Recommendations should exchange hands : that persons come with in-patients' 
orders whose cases are far too slight to justify their occupying a bed, — but it is 
invidious to refuse them : and that poor creatures come with only out-patients' 
Recommendations, whom it is a source of misery to see return home. The Recom- 
menders judge often by the comparative importunity — the Physician by the com- 
parative necessity of the sufferers. 

There may be evils in 'Free Hospitals' with which I am unacquainted; but 
the friend of the poor will endeavour to break down every obstacle to the freest 
admission of the worst Cases of disease at the shortest notice. Serious disease is 
the true ground of admission to a Hospital. It is sometimes said, that, if this prin- 
ciple were allowed, Subscribers would lose the patronage given by their subscrip- 
tion ; and that all manner of " Parish Cases," Fevers, and Inflammations, &c. 
would get in. I do not believe Subscribers are influenced by so mean motives 
as this implies. They maintain their Hospital as a public good, and take pride in 
it : and it is my firm belief that, the more practically free a Hospital, the more 
severe would be the cases that come thither ; the more good would be done, and 
the more munificent would be the Contributions. Thi3 applies to the Diseases of 
Children as well as to those of Adults : for no County Hospital is complete that has 
not a Childrens' ward. 

The Labouring Poor not the sole Objects of Charity for a Hospital. 

There is misunderstanding often as to the Nature of Poverty. To earn less than 
is sufficient to enable a prudent man to obtain a livelihood in his business is 
poverty : to have more than a man need expend, is comparative wealth. 

There is no class of persons more poor than they who, having small salaries, are 



Admission into Hospitals a great boon to persons not in want. 139 

required to dress well to keep their situation, or who need books, or other matters 
which are costly. I may be excused for instancing teachers of various grades — of 
either sex. 

Now all such persons are ruined, as the world has it, if they have aid from the 
Parish, or if they go to a Dispensary. They therefore are most fit objects for whom to 
provide aid ; but their address, education, and appearance is often a hinderance to 
their being aided in distress. Such persons have sometimes small means which they 
would gladly apply to aid their treatment. For Chronic Diseases of Females espe- 
cially this would occur. For the reasons before named — the increased care of the 
poor — it would be exceedingly desirable for our Infirmary, and other Hospitals, to 
take in persons of education and small means, on payment, and in a separate ward. 
I have been myself an in-patient in such a Hospital in Rome ; and ever grateful 
shall I be for the kindness I received there. I was in lodgings ; alone ; ill ; far 
from any attendant. A dollar (four shillings), a day was the sum paid by me for 
a separate room, and the supply of every want. This sum amply repaid the Insti- 
tution. The more satisfactory to the recipient who could pay it. The comfort, 
independence, and freedom from care which single men and single women would feel 
if they had this course open to them, without loss of caste, are not to be described 
in words*. To draw up details of such a scheme would here be out of place. 

On the necessity of providing Nurses for the Poor. 
Far more important than a revolution in Hospital Nurses appears to me the 
obtaining Nurses trained and qualified to attend the poor at their own homes f. 
There is no object more requiring the energy of the benevolent ; none more certain 
to repay their exertions ; none more easy of execution. A very moderate Subscrip- 
tion, the cooperation of Guardians, the consent of the Governors of Hospitals, with 
the aid of the Parochial Clergy, might at once obtain for every town a corps of 
Nurses, such as we had at Oxford at the time of the Cholera. A Lady, resident 
here, is willing to undertake the organization and superintend such arrangements 
for Oxford. A body of more or less competent women would then be ready at all 
times to wait on the sick poor. They might at once effect good in various ways. 
Their knowledge of cooking alone would be a positive boon, supposing always they 
had been properly instructed, as has been proposed, at the Hospital. The more 
able of them would in time become trained Nurses for all classes ; they would be 
known and certified. This would probably have been attempted here had not the 

* In London there is more than one Institution of this nature. 

t In Sussex a society has been formed with a similar object for country parishes ; in them 
Nurses are much needed. Information concerning it may be had of the Rev. W. M. Blackwood, 
Mother field. 



140 Nurses for the Poor much needed. 

Cholera Nurses, for the most part, gone out to the Crimea, and had not other 
circumstances delayed the public proposal of this plan. What can be effected in 
Oxford, can be effected elsewhere. Persons might come hither for instruction from 
parishes in Oxfordshire and the adjoining counties. In connection with every 
Hospital, through the kingdom, such an institution might soon exist, to the great 
advantage of every class in society, and to the maintenance of many respectable 
women, and especially of widows. 

The benefit of such an organization is so apparent, that I need not say more on 
the subject ; but only suggest to the reader, the boon that it would be during the 
prevalence of Epidemics of whatever kind*. 

On certain points in Female Penitentiaries. 

There are several questions which this section invites us to discuss ; among 
others the unsatisfactory character of some of the Regulations in Medical 'Clubs' 
or Benevolent Societies : wherein, I am informed, the medical adviser is sometimes 
remunerated at a rate which does not pay his outlay for medicine. But this and 
others I must pass by, to name one topic of grave importance — the admission of 
Fallen Women into General Hospitals. From our Hospital all venereal cases are 
excluded. This is an intelligible rule, and is to be strictly observed. No woman of 
known bad character is admitted there : all therefore can safely send young women 
in whom they are interested. 

Then what follows ? we have no " Lock Hospital." A few years ago, when I was 
beginning practice, a young woman in an agony of suffering appeared at the Infirm- 
ary. The case was a forbidden one. She must go away. She expressed a willing- 
ness to go to the Penitentiary. I applied there : she could not be received. She 
had an acute disease. She remained in the street ; and finally found her way to the 
foul ward of the Workhouse. A Lady going, from religious motives, to visit her, 
was refused admittance. 

* The Epidemiological Society (13, Upper Guardians, would, in some respects, be far bet- 
Brook Street, Grosvenor Square,) has laboured ter. At all events, until the Poor Law Board do 
to promote the supply of Nurses to the poor, undertake the plan, it is earnestly recommended 
through the medium of Workhouses. Various to the attention especially of the Women of 
applications have been made by the Committee England. 

of the society to the Poor Law Board. There I take this opportunity of remarking on the 

are difficulties in the way of the proposed plans, great inconvenience and distress which some- 

which at present are insuperable. But the object times arises here, from the want of a place to 

and the design are really excellent. I am dis- which insane persons, not paupers, can be sent 

posed to think that a Voluntary Association in on immediate notice. The Warneford Asylum 

every town or union, aided and supported by the has a weekly admission day. 



Some Penitentiaries should receive women during illness. 141 

Well, then, these wretched women, when, pressed by sickness and suffering, they 
would return, cannot. In the Hospital they may not be treated : they must be 
thrust with their fellows into a proscribed ward in the Workhouse, and be hardened. 
Our Penitentiary, when urged, took the noble course : all honour to it : it agreed 
to receive them well or ill. The numbers have increased to overflowing ; and a New 
House and more Funds are wanting. If this meet the eye of a wealthy man, let 
him be assured he can give no sum that is not needed, and will not be used. 

Now I do not say that all Penitentiaries should do this. I think not. Two 
classes of Penitentiaries are wanted : the one where women are received : the other 
where they are kept. In the first, they should be taken in any state of disease : in 
the second, it is better that they should be in health. On this point I can have no 
doubt. The two establishments may be under the same management : or in concert 
with each other in different localities — as Oxford is with Wantage, and elsewhere. 
The receiving houses may be small. A Penitentiary for discipline cannot be con- 
ducted on a very small scale. A large ship is more easily managed than a small 
one. 

With these brief considerations the present remarks on the working of Voluntary 
Medical Institutions, in Oxford and probably in some other Towns, must be brought 
to a close. 



The chief points which have been brought forward for the consideration of those 
interested in them are — 

i . The nature of the claims on the State for Medical Relief. 

2. The duty of the State to see that there are efficient Medical Institutions in 
every County or District. 

3. The great disadvantage to the Country if the State Institutions supersede 

Voluntary Institutions — 

As Centres of Medical and Surgical Practice, 

As Standards of Scientific and Hygienic Knowledge, 

As Safe Receptacles for Contagious and Epidemic Disease. 

4. The desirableness of receiving, upon weekly payment, certain of the Middle 

Classes into private wards and apartments provided for them in connection 
with the County Hospital. 

5. The revision of the mode of admission to some Hospitals, so as to ensure that 

those only enter the Hospitals who truly need it ; and that none are Out- 
patients who cannot be thoroughly treated in that manner. 

6. The duty therefore of zealously supporting Dispensaries, by which the classes 

above " Paupers " are visited at their own homes, as a much truer Charity 
than the Out-door advice of the Hospital. 



1 42 The Recapitulation. 

7. The making the Hospitals serve as Instructors in Nursing, and in the art of 

Cooking economically for the Sick. 

8. The endeavour to use them, as far as possible, as means for Moral Instruction 

and Spiritual Improvement to the inmates. This view need in no way 
interfere with their thorough efficiency as Scientific and Medical Insti- 
tutions : but cannot be effected without engrossing the chief energies of the 
Chaplain. 

9. The preparing lists of persons willing and qualified to serve as Nurses among 

the Poor ; to organize them so as to be available in Epidemics, and at all 
other times ; and through the agency of such organization, to give them all 
instruction calculated to make them efficient aids in sickness. 
1 o. The providing in all Towns where there is need for it, special means of treat- 
ing penitent women : 1st. That they may be kindly dealt with in their sick- 
ness : 2nd. That there may be no excuse for admitting them into the wards 
of the Hospital. 

Those that have thought of the questions touched on in this section, and who 
have successfully conducted the Voluntary Medical Institutions, which are among 
the chief glories of our nation, will bear with a meagre but hearty acknowledgment of 
their labours : they will heartily desire to see the time when the Government shall 
find no need to inquire into Charities, because they are perfectly administered ; and 
will be spared the duty of controlling Subscriptional Institutions, because they are 
a model to those of the State. Until that time, they will earnestly wish that the 
administrative talent and the large influence which exists in every County in Eng- 
land, should jealously provide that the Voluntary Institutions, which watch over the 
temporal necessities and bodily infirmities of the honest and labouring poor, shall in 
nothing fall short of that perfection which various Institutions for the punishment 
of Crime or the reform of the Criminal have in their district attained. 



CHAPTER V. 

On the Connection between Mental Cultivation and Physical Improvement. 

Upon the judicious Education of the people depends, more than on any other 
human means, the destiny of our country. God be thanked that each year some 
ground is gained in the strife against the social evils that sometimes bid fair to 
overwhelm us. But as long as a large part of our population are, in respect of one 
or more of the three great portions of their earthly nature, the Physical, Moral. 



Children easily trained to accuracy, by accurate people. 148 

and Intellectual, so much lower than they might be, the public opinion, which rules 
in a constitution such as ours, must be frequently in error ; and the greater good 
must for a time too often yield to the less. The discussion which is caused by the 
conflict of opinion is nevertheless one of the most efficient means of judicious 
changes, and of real progress. 

To aim at, to hope, and to pray for Physical, Moral, and Intellectual perfection 
in any given state is not perhaps the part of the wise ; but to look for a uniform 
progress towards all three in his own country and his own place, to strive to add his 
pebble or his stone to the rising edifice, is the duty of every true-hearted Christian 
man. The three cannot be separated. I have no more hope of raising a high 
moral and intellectual standard in a state inconsistent with our physical necessities, 
speaking of masses of society, than I have of seeing much physical improvement in 
districts where the moral and intellectual life is dormant. God be thanked, there is 
no nook of this country, none where our tongue is known, but that there the voice 
of a higher culture and a nobler aim is heard, uttered however feebly, yet in 
some sort uttered by our teeming press. For this City, our special care, it is no 
Utopian idea to entertain the hope, that as far as a place, without manufacture and 
trade, can be esteemed a type of society at all, this may be made one which can 
be a model of a community living in the greatest possible amount of physical com- 
fort, moral well being, and intellectual light that England can show ; and if, with 
our large proportion of cultivated minds, warm hearts, and of persons placed above 
want, this cannot be so here, I know not where on earth we shall turn to seek it. 
The germs of such a condition are here. It is no dream that we or our children 
may see the ripened fruit. 

Some highly educated persons however seem little aware by what humble means 
many of the best habits of mind may be formed in children. If such had ever asso- 
ciated with mechanics, they would have learned that in many or most mere mecha- 
nical trades the good workmen are all distinguished by some valuable moral habits : 
which, however they may be hindered by some personal obliquities from exercising 
their influence over the whole man, are yet in themselves excellent, and capable of 
leavening the whole character. A good carpenter or a good smith will not do bad 
work. His master may try to make him do bad work, for the master's main 
business is to sell whatever will find a market ; but the good workman will not do 
it ; he would rather do what hurts his whole soul — do nothing, and see his family 
in distress ; or work for less than he is worth ; either of which wears his heart out 
by the sense of injustice. In short, he must be Accurate and Truthful. With the 
squareness of his work and the straightness of his line are intimately connected his 
notions of right and wrong. The good workman is Humble withal ; he knows the 
struggle good work has cost him ; and his satisfaction in it is mixed with a sense of 

s 2 



1 44 Common work may furnish good discipline. 

his own feebleness in respect to all good work, and all higher work which he cannot 
himself do. He is Charitable and Helpful to others, because he has a fellow feeling 
with all who strive as he strove ; and he desires that all good work should prosper, 
as he wishes that all bad should come to an end. He is Noble, because he feels 
himself to be a part of the whole army of workers who from the beginning of the 
world have striven in all Arts, and all Times, and all Places to do their duty in 
the station of life in which they have laboured. If I have to excuse myself for such 
a digression, my excuse is twofold: ist. I think that these truths belong really to 
all work of whatever kind ; and, andly, that just now it is of especial consequence 
to bear them in mind. I often think of Keble's lines in respect of all work — 

The trivial round, the common task 
Will furnish all we ought to ask : 
Room to deny ourselves .... 

I never look but with reverence on the features of an aged carpenter, now four- 
score ; with whom, encouraged by the family laws of my father's house, I used to 
work in my boyhood. I first learnt to read in his work and at his bench what I 
have now related ; and never, as a child, saw him at his work, but that I felt the 
nobleness of labour, and saw in his conscientiousness germs of the principle of 
martyrdom for truth's sake: indeed it is by the observation of such ways and by 
such associations for good and for evil that many of the first notions of our children 
are formed, their powers directed, and the quality of those powers established. 

The advantages of a higher kind of know ledge, beyond mere mechanical knowledge 
and mechanical skill, lie in great measure in the developement of the same qualities 
by means of a higher subject-matter ; they therefore raise the whole man, but are 
not necessary for the development of the qualities in question any more than a 
knowledge of dogmatic theology and patristic lore are necessary to the formation of 
the spiritual life of a Christian. And besides, in every kind of progress, a risk 
equal to the good attained is run — an almost universal condition of all attainment 
in this life of barter and trial. 

Once more, it is quite wrong to think that the principle at the root of all this is 
not of universal application. The principle is constant, but the cases, to which it is 
applied, vary. Even in questionable occupations, that is, occupations in which there 
is a greater risk of evil than hope of good, there is always the chance and possi- 
bility of discipline ; as, for instance, in field sports. Every one knows the rigorous 
conscientious habits of a true old sportsman, as distinguished from the luxurious 
young one who has his gun carried and loaded for him. Men have diversities of 
gifts : some have one power within them, some another ; but in all the gifts and 
in all the operations there is a " spirit " to lead to good, as there is a power to de- 
generate to evil. If a man can only take a pleasure in dogs and horses, let him 



The training for life as various as are Men. ] 45 

do so : 8hoot well and hunt well : and go to the Colonies. There the natural gifts 
which made him hunt well here, will make him rough it well there with rough 
natures of men and things ; and be of infinite use to his fellow men there, and 
prove an Honour to his Country : but by no means let him be a barrister or a phy- 
sician. So it is throughout. The training for life is as various as the modes of life. 
All subject-matter, and all modes of life rightly used, become the means of true 
education. Dr. Chalmers, thirty years ago, advised the teaching of Political Eco- 
nomy and of Natural Science to the working classes ; because, he says*, 

" There obtains a very close affinity between a taste for Science and a taste for Sacredness. They 
are both of them refined abstractions from the grossness of the familiar and ordinary world ; and the 
mind, which relishes either, has achieved a certain victory of the spiritual or the intellectual, over the 
animal part of our nature. The two resemble in this, that they make a man a more reflective and a 
less sensual being than before. * * * 

" For this purpose, it is not one, but many kinds of scholarship that are effectual. Whatever may 
stimulate the powers of the understanding, or may regale the appetite for speculation, by even that 
glimmering and imperfect light, which is made to play in a mechanic school among the mysteries of 
nature ; and may unveil, though partially, the great characteristics of wisdom and goodness that he 
so profusely scattered over the face of visible things ; or may both exalt and give a wider compass to 
the imagination ; or may awaken a sense that before was dormant to the beauties of the divine work- 
manship, and to the charms of that argument, or of that eloquence, by which they are expounded : 
each and all of these might be pressed into the service of forming to ourselves a loftier population. 
Every hour that a workman can reclaim from the mere drudgeries of bone and muscle, will send 
him back to his workshop and his home a more erect and high-minded individual than before. 
With his growing affinity to the upper classes of life in mental cultivation, there will spring up an 
affinity of taste and habit, and a growing desire of enlargement from those various necessities by 
which the condition of a labourer may now be straitened and degraded. There will be an aspiration 
after greater things, and the more that he is fitted by education for intercourse with his superiors in 
rank, the more will he be assimilated to them in a taste for the comforts and decencies of life. In 
the very converse that he holds with the lecturer, who one day expounds to him the truths of Science, 
and another day examines and takes account of his proficiency, there is a charm that not only helps 
to conciliate him to better society, but that also familiarizes him, in some measure, to the tone of it." 

Dr. Chalmers was one of the hearty genial able men who could see the good side 
and the capabilities of every thing ; and he was not a man to fail to perceive the 
value of Physical and Social Science. The resistance to his enlightened views armed 
noble weapons with a poison, by handing them over not unfrequently to men who 
had not his moral qualities, and who did not feel, as has been said thousands of times, 
that the educational value of the material means was not in the knowledge they 
gave, but in the discipline they imparted. Accordingly even the much vaunted 
Physical Sciences have failed over and over again in their use ; out of most accu- 
rate, most ennobling studies, popular scientific exhibitions have furnished to thou- 

* Christian and Civil Economy of large Towns, vol. iii. p. 378, and p. 383. 



1 4(j Knowledge without self-control gives poor discipline. 

sands, only a new form of excitement, and another occasion for inaccuracy. From 
this evil however, or rather with it, much good also has sprung : and now, here in 
Oxford, as in many other places, persons of all classes are beginning to find the 
futility of inaccurate science and of popular lectures, except as a means of creating 
and fostering interest in what is good ; and they see the necessity of closer, more 
precise, application to those subjects with which each individual mind feels a natural 
sympathy. Here we are many years behind Edinburgh and some other towns in 
these respects ; but our people will not lag : it is not speaking with over confidence 
when it is said, that ere long, with the influence of our New Museum, of the 
Working Men's Institution, the Free Library, and other appliances, the younger 
part of the population, urged on, with a patience almost inexhaustible, by the blessed 
impulses that are stirred up in the nature of every man, will glide insensibly into 
a stream of Knowledge, such as our fathers knew not of ; and over which they may 
pass safely, if guided by the Spirit of Wisdom, as well as the Spirit of Understand- 
ing and of Knowledge*. 

Rut then I am forced to confess my belief, that the kind of Training by Work 
and by Science, to which I have alluded, is not adequate to bring about the Happi- 
ness of any Society. Indeed, whatever theoretical opinions there may be on the 
nature and credibility of the Articles of the Christian Faith, no man hardly, who 
has prospered in his undertakings, is inclined to doubt that Christianity has added 
happiness to man just in proportion to the sincerity with which its faith has been 
held, and the tenderness of conscience with which its maxims have been obeyed : and 
no woman, who is a mother, and whom her sex or ours would admit to have dis- 
charged her functions so as to obtain their approval, would be found to say that, as 
far as the multitudinous chances of this life will permit, there was any method so 
sure for bringing about the happiness and worldly prosperity of her children as an 
early Christian training f. 

A part of Christian discipline is termed, by some teachers on such subjects, the 
law of self-sacrifice. If there be one thread that seems to interweave itself, and 
disperse its hue over the whole of our life, it is this : we are not for ourselves. The 
history of our universe tells the tale — the meanest things on earth reecho it. All 
things exist for others besides themselves : elements for compounds ; inorganic ele- 
ments for organic existences ; the lower forms of life for the higher ; the higher for 
man ; man for his fellow-man, and for his Maker. The great cycle of chemical 
changes that go on through the world, touches, as it were, at one point, the nature 

* These were to be the Qualifications of the Workmen of the Tabernacle. Exodus xxxi. 3. 
t Any one not acquainted with the Work will thank me for referring him to Kay's Promises of 
Christianity. 



The (/round of Content. 147 

of man, and so through him serves the great end of all, the worship of the Creator 
of all. Within the vortex of human duties and human destinies, there is a col- 
lision as endless, a sacrifice as continuous, a reward as great. If the inorganic 
elements are wrought into higher compounds, and the lower forms of life fall before 
the growth and the necessities of the higher kinds, so individuals among men con- 
tinue to effect that for which by themselves they are powerless ; lower intellects are 
subservient to the more gifted ; whole races sink before the advancing tides of others 
destined to speed the great Progress of Man. 

In a more narrow view of society, the same self-sacrifice is the law of life. The 
surrender to duty of all that is dearest, and the yielding to that duty with joy are the 
means by which, on a small scale or on a large, great moral steps are made. Of this 
training, and the struggle that it costs, all partake. All obey, resist, or slip meanly 
by. They who escape the contest have no certain honour among men — no peace 
in themselves. In them is no Spirit of Content. The child that has learnt the 
principle of obedience, and of faith its cornerstone, that has grown up in it, has 
looked for his reward beyond this world rather than in it, that has the settled 
purpose of preferring duty in all things to his own desires, that, in a word, follows 
the guidance of the Gospel, — that child grows to be a happy man, blessing, and 
blest. All things that can take root in him, bear fruit according to his opportuni- 
ties and his powers. His intellect expands, if intellectual developement be his 
sphere ; but it expands harmoniously : his handywork, if handywork is his lot, is 
good work — work that satisfies his own love of truth, and the need of his employer : 
whether the growth of his intellect or the skill of his hands be his aim and his duty, 
his affections and his passions are warm, but under the control of his reason. 

Nothing can compensate to the man for the loss of such culture : without it his 
intellect, however furnished, his manual skill, however applauded, leaves him sor- 
rowing in heart — dissatisfied, restless ; if opportunity of power occur, makes him a 
man dangerous to other men. Seeing all this to be so, philanthropists and mature 
statesmen have, for the most part, declared that all Education, to be complete, 
must also be Religious. But in what sense, and how to be attained, has been yet, 
as a Great National Question, an unsolved problem. 

The reader may, before this, have asked himself in what manner this apparent 
digression is connected with the subject in hand. But it is a principle acknow- 
ledged, I presume, by all persons who have thought on these questions, that the im- 
provement of the people depends on the combined elevation of their whole nature, 
as well as on the amelioration of their surrounding circumstances. Accordingly 
every one who feels it to be his vocation to aid or to strive to aid in promoting the 
health or increasing the material comfort of the community, must force himself to a 
conclusion on the mode of training their moral and intellectual powers. We in 
Oxford are most especially bound to do this ; not only on account of the Educa- 



148 Any worthy subject matter may train a man, 

tional character which belongs to our city, but also on account of the dissatisfaction 
which has been loudly expressed at the real or supposed shortcomings of the train- 
ing provided by the University. They who have continually assisted in bringing 
about some of the additions to our studies, must have done so with the view of 
either improving or removing the old instruments of Mental Discipline. They who 
have insisted on enlarging the means of Intellectual Culture, by the introduction of 
the Natural Sciences, and the expenditure of large but ill-afforded sums on the ap- 
pliances of Physical Knowledge, must have done so either because they wished this 
Natural Knowledge to supersede the study of Language, History, and Mental 
Philosophy, or because they thought these three were, at this age of the world, im- 
perfect representatives of the range of human thought, and of human achievement. 
Which of the two they intend they should declare. 

It is without question that many persons here have earnestly endeavoured to 
promote the welfare of every rational method of moral and intellectual culture ; 
and have not allowed themselves to be, as it were, partisans of any circumscribed 
portion of mental culture : and this rightly : there are few now to be found who 
believe that an implicit and unintelligent reception of Religious Dogmas, or a mere 
Linguistic Scholarship, or restricted devotion to any of the Natural Sciences, would, 
apart from each other, be the best training for a man. 

The tendency of our time seems to be to the exaltation of Intellectual Develope- 
ment. This is well : but it is already discovered that this is not to be gained by 
attendance at Lectures only, — that something beyond is required for real Mental 
Discipline. Working Classes are therefore added to evoke the self-education which 
is necessary for all real mental progress. This is also well. By thorough applica- 
tion to any worthy subject of study, certain powers may be strengthened : by 
truthful, honest, accurate Drawing, by sound, careful, precise Musical exercise, 
vocal or instrumental, certain properties of sense, and certain valuable qualities of 
mind may, without doubt, be heightened and ennobled. By any of the Classificatory 
Sciences pursued practically*, powers of Observation, Comparison, Reflection, 



* By this, of course, is intended practical, ex- unfortunately erased from a notice, prepared on 
perimental study of practical experimental sub- this point, an invitation to Students to offer dis- 
jects, as opposed to mere verbal, book knowledge. sections for demonstration at the Examinations ; 
It is extraordinary how frequently the necessity but they have now, this year, been happily intro- 
of attention to this is overlooked by both Stu- duced. A Prize has been lately proposed for 
dents and Examiners. Our Natural Science Essays with dissections of our Fauna, and no ap- 
School here will utterly fail in its use, if this be prehension need any longer exist as to the effi- 
not kept constantly in view. In Chemistry, cient practical character of the School. It is in- 
Physiology, Geology, &c. there should be no tended to offer shortly a suitable Prize, with a 
Examination without a practical testing of the similar object, to the Oxford Working Men's In- 
candidate. The late Hebdomadal Board most stitution. 



if adapted to his powers. 1 49 

Judgment are matured according to the original mental constitution of the student. 
By History, by true and philosophical investigation of Language, in connection with 
its origin and developement, all or almost all the faculties of which we are capable 
are called into play, unless we except the higher powers of abstraction, which are 
disciplined by Mathematical Studies. 

It must, therefore, be a source of unceasing gratification to all who desire the 
happiness of their fellow-men, that every well conducted institution for the advance 
of knowledge should flourish. But it must not be expected that this increase of 
intellectual power will make our homes happy. What I have said on that head need 
not be repeated here : and we may come to the practical conclusion for which this 
almost tedious and trite summary concerning Education has been made. 

Religious training lies at the root of the contentment and happiness of man. 
Intellectual cultivation is not adverse to Religious training, but is no substitute for 
it, and is become in our time a necessity to every one in his degree. Intellectual 
culture is nothing, except it have full play, unchecked by religious opinion : its 
essence is the unfettered search after truth. Religious growth is quite compatible 
with this, under conditions felt in the heart of the true believer, and understood by 
none else. The true Intellectualist and the sincere Religionist must each be free. 
Neither can surrender unconditionally to the other. I can hope nothing from the 
attempt to introduce into State schools religious teaching pared down to that 
which is offensive to no denomination. At the point at which it comes to be in- 
offensive to all, it is necessarily wholly unacceptable to every one who truly desires 
to have it, and understands its operation upon our hearts. 

The main object of the State is assuredly to secure, as far as possible, the good 
conduct of the people : this is most easily attained, no doubt, by early, judicious, 
and enlightened religious training. But religious teaching is just that part which 
the English people do not choose to delegate to the State. Therefore the State 
has apparently no other course than to cherish to the utmost the Voluntary efforts 
of the Religious Communions ; to aid them in proportion to their exertions ; to in- 
sist on their reaching a certain intellectual standard ; but by no means to interfere 
with the spiritual charge of their own members. To all which the establishment of 
merely secular State Schools would be fatal *. These seem to be the general aims 
of the Committee of Council on Education. 

But to discuss the method of reconciling the two views of Secular and Religious 
Education, would be to enter upon the history of the Educational Enactments of the 
last twenty years f : and to suggest a plan for future guidance, would be a task 

* How far this is applicable to a few of our largest Towns, I feel I have not the data for forming a 
conclusion. 

f See particularly, with reference to the subject of the preceding paragraph, the noble-hearted 
" Public Education," by Sir James Kay Shuttleworth. — Longman, 1853. 



150 The Nature of Recreation. 

which, to say the least, it would be wholly out of place to attempt here. But deeply 
impressed with the conviction that sanitary, moral, and intellectual improvement 
must move on hand in hand ; satisfied of the necessity both of maintaining the Reli- 
gious Character of the Education of this country, and of continuing the Intellectual 
Educational Developement which has made such gigantic strides since 1830 ; being 
most sensible, and firmly convinced that Voluntary and Local Efforts of the Com- 
munity are essential to the maintenance of the English character, and that these 
efforts will certainly succumb before the force of the Government, unless they prove 
equal to the emergencies of the case, it seemed to me an imperative duty, if I 
stated any opinion at all on the means of promoting the physical welfare of the 
people, to express these convictions, which, as a Physician living in a place of Edu- 
cation, I have been led to form*. 

In the discharge however of this duty, I am consoled by the belief that they who 
know so much of the course of the Educational History of the Country as to think 
such generalities superfluous, and they who do not see the reason of such digression 
in a Sanitary Paper, will equally believe it possible that the sentiments expressed 
may awaken thought in some mind that has not before so viewed the subject ; 
whilst no one but the Writer need suffer from the labour that has been expended 
upon it. It is a further subject of consolation to me that, having endeavoured to 
come to independent conclusions on the subject, I find them not to differ from 
those expressed by persons who appear to me to be sound exponents both of our 
National History in this subject, and trustworthy thinkers on the matter itself. 
So that I can thankfully and happily watch the course of public controversy on a 
subject of momentous interest which my other duties forbid me to share. 



There follows necessarily, upon the question of Religious and Intellectual Training, 
the consideration of Recreation. 

Now Recreation is the freeing the body and the spirit from strain, to which either 
or both are subjected. What is recreation to one man is therefore labour to an- 
other : and the student could often do no better than wield the adze or the hammer 

* It was certainly impossible ten years ago to know the name of Christ, but as a common 

notice, without consternation, how hundreds of oath; and who never had been in a place of 

the Clergy and Gentry were constantly passing worship. The former of these evils ceased in a 

through this place without any knowledge what- measure with the foundation of the Natural Sci- 

soever of Physiological laws, or Hygienic prin- ence School, and will come to an end when the 

ciples ; when all the country besides was yearn- New Museum has fairly entered on its full work : 

ing for acquaintance with them. It was, in an- the latter scandal probably does not now exist 

other aspect of society, appalling to find a few Indeed, the more I see of Oxford, the more I am 

years since, in even this favoured City, half a inclined to suspect that, on the whole there is 

dozen boys, of ages from 7 to 10, who did not less gross evil than in most Towns. 



Religious and Intellectual Recreation. 151 

for awhile, and let the body-worn mechanic peruse the works which he had left on 
his desk. 

It is curious enough to notice how ignorantly some persons recreate themselves. 
Men often, in another form, press on the exhausted function, believing mere change 
to be equivalent to rest — which it sometimes is : or they wholly abandon themselves 
to idleness, whereas some occupation is absolutely necessary to any man accustomed 
to work. 

Of all the causes which press on the spirit of a man who is fully engaged in the 
competition, anxieties, and cares of life, those which tell on him as a spiritual being, 
" heir of immortality," are, from time to time, the weightiest. He feels the urgent 
need of some time and some place where he may go apart for rest awhile. To the 
greatest number this is impossible. He has no such place, even if he have the time. 
The fields, it may be, are too far ; his house is too crowded ; he can find no quiet 
spot ; the streets are his refuge and his chiefest solitude. What is it in us English 
which makes it impossible for the Churches to be always open, that the weary in 
heart may find stillness there ? Has the experiment failed in the few cases that it 
has been tried ? Are there none, to whom the opportunity has occurred, that can 
tell of the blessing of the few minutes dragged out of the hurried work, and soothed 
by the peace of the dim still Church ? 

What do the appointed guardians of our Churches say to this I Where do they 
expect the poor, careworn, overcrowded members of the flock to meditate ? Do not 
the daily services at Westminster and elsewhere tell the feeling of the people ? But 
do they not need simple mental repose and prayer as well as a service in which they 
cannot pause ? Are none of the intellectual portion of the Community too weary on 
Sunday to follow the longer, and fuller of our services 2 and do they not pant often 
for just the quiet of the altar-side, where they might commune and be still? Does 
Peterborough Cathedral suffer because its doors and every quiet nook, to its honour, 
stand daily open? 

Next in importance to this kind of Re-Creation, or making again of the spirit of 
man, ranks the feeding of his Intellectual Faculties. Of the way in which this is to 
be done ; of the reading which is desirable for children or for men in their various 
stations, it would be obviously idle here to speak. But, as to the means, it is clear 
that (ist) until lately the means were not within reach in Oxford, but that now in 
the Free Library they are ; and (2dly) that among the greatest boons which have 
been conferred on the working classes is certainly the Act by which Free Libraries 
may be supported by Rate. It can hardly be necessary, though it may be agreeable 
to some, that we should have a Free Museum, because the University can assuredly 
meet the wants of the City in this respect ; and there will, I presume, be, ere long, 

T 2 



152 Religious and Intellectual Recreation. 

a department of applied Science and Art, of Engineering, and an Exhibition of 
(Economic appliances in the New Museum. 

So we need, in Oxford, nothing more at present, in this respect, except increased 
space in the City Library, and the further developement of its resources. It was de- 
termined to keep this Institution open on Sunday evening : the decision gave, I fear, 
much offence to a minority. In that minority I could not place myself. The rational 
mode of observing Sunday, in particulars of this kind, has for many years en- 
gaged my attention ; and I have taken much pains, on various opportunities, to 
inform myself of the true manner in which a laxer method of observance than our 
own operates in various parts of the Continent. My conclusions, unsatisfactory as 
they may appear, are easily told. I am satisfied that a genuine observance of the 
Sunday adds to the Happiness of Working and Professional Men : I am satisfied 
that many of those who always make it a day of the most open holiday are not 
those laborious persons who the most require rest : I am satisfied that in many- 
Continental Towns, where there is much open gaiety, the portion of the community 
that has the truest sense of the whole nature and destiny of man, and that strive to 
live at once in the most active discharge of duty in this world, and with the most 
constant looking forward to the next, find their chiefest rest in the peaceful con- 
templation of the visible works of God ; in the application of their mind, as far as 
they can apply it, to that which they feel their nature to stand in need of; to such 
communion with their Maker as their souls can reach ; to such unbending of the 
body as their physical state requires, and not to the reeking air of the beershop, the 
noise of the highway, or the excitement of public assemblies. But, above all, I am 
satisfied that, seeing the exceeding variety of men's natural powers and inclinations, 
of their early training and associations, and their present mental and physical neces- 
sities, nothing is more uncharitable, and nothing more untrue than a stern judg- 
ment of all men by any settled rule. Almost all such rules depend on the early 
associations of those that apply them. Such things must be left to each man's 
heart ; and the truest Physician of Souls is he who throws in the way of the people 
the greatest opportunities of spiritual and intellectual elevation in their most at- 
tractive forms ; and, looking to the blessing of the Preserver of Men on these 
larger views, trusts little to legislative and restrictive enactments. All which will 
appeal in detail to the minds of men in the most diverse and sometimes the most 
opposite form. 

It is quite needless now to draw the attention of the working classes, or indeed 
of any part of society, to the value of that part of the contents of their Library 
which treats of Natural Knowledge. It may truly be said that it has the especial 
advantage of enabling its votaries to refer, for the most part, to the original source, 



The effect of Natural History Studies on the mind. 153 

by questioning Nature herself. There are and ever will be unsolved problems in the 
Natural History of every neighbourhood ; dissections to be made ; developeinent to 
be studied in every water; the abstrusest Chemico-Physiological questions to be an- 
swered. There are stars to be explored by the observer ; and their motions to be 
calculated by the mathematician. None of these are out of reach of the many : we 
have among our own tradesmen ardent cultivators of various departments of 
Natural Knowledge. May every success attend their undertakings, and all means 
be open to them. Any one conversant with the true nature of Physical Science, 
knows well that wrongly pursued for the purpose of science, it is wrongly pursued 
for the whole man : speaking generally, moral faults will react on his intellectual 
frame*. A Christian it cannot make him: as Bacon says, " Out of the contempla- 
tion of Nature, or ground of Human Knowledge, to induce any verity of persuasion 
concerning the points of Faith, is, in my judgment, not safe : Da fidei, qua; fidei 
sunt." 

The effect of Natural History Studies on the Character of Man is not as yet fully 
felt. Under the term, " Studies of Nature," must of course be included all that relates 
to natural objects ; their external form and appearance, their formation as a whole, 
their internal nature. They include, on the one hand, all external appearances, 
represented in art; such as human form, human expression, with their modifica- 
tions and the causes of them : and, on the other, all the internal structure, rela- 
tions, functions, of all things organic and inorganic, by whatever means examined 
and made known. It is clear that nothing else is an adequate history of Nature, 
or of any of its parts. To consider internal characters as the sole object of Natural 
History, would be as ridiculous as to consider their outward appearance its only 
business. I name this only to remind the Reader how many educated persons, in 
every rank of society, are interested in the progress of Natural History, including, 
for instance, the 22,000 Medical Practitioners in Great Britain alone. 

We must not at all measure their full effect on man, by their effect hitherto. They 
are only beginning to tell. Some sciences are quite in their infancy; but they reach 
maturity early : and, if fed on Truth, which is their Tree of Life, they never die. 
I freely admit the danger and the fear of this state of man. By the tree of know- 
ledge was his fall ; and as the people run to and fro, and knowledge is increased, 
pride may bring about a more terrible, because a final, degradation of the mature 
race : but it need not. Individuals have each their free-will, which in the totality is 
the will of the race. The triumph of the individuals is the triumph of the race. 

Now what are the qualities which the study of any portion of the field of Nature, 
unless her reign be disturbed by his rebellion, engenders in Man? First of all, 

* See a noble discourse on this subject by Hugh James Rose, in his Sermons preached before the 
University of Cambridge. 



154 Other Recreation : Music. 

truth, candour, freedom from prejudice and partizanship, gentleness, patience, 
perseverance, hope, sagacity ; then the love of all kindred spirits, and the peace of 
a contented mind *. Of all these they partake the most whose life and habits the 
most befit the student of the unwritten word of God, " of that his servant Nature, 
whose manuscript lies open and expansed to all. 1 ' In Science, as elsewhere, Man's 
evil nature intrudes to mar the Work. But in the contest is his strength : 

" Who strives, he wins ; and gathers might 
For other future sterner fight." 

In consequence of the increased Education of the People, the struggle for these 
habits of mind is more and more widely spread. Not only the artist before his 
model, the anatomist with his knife, the chemist at his balance; not these only 
who are the professors and exponents of their lore, but through all society, fresh 
from the school or the lecture, the tradesman with his microscope, the apprentice 
in his daily walk, the mason at his carving, are looking on Nature, with reverence, 
or without ; are drawing in her silent teaching, or casting it out ; are interpreting 
this page as the Progress of Man, or contemplating it as the Word of God. 

Truly this knowledge is power. What does History say ? Do they, that have 
power, wisely use it 1 or do they not ' 



There are other means however of Mental Refreshment than those which the 
Libraries provide. I allude to Music and to Drawing. As to the first, it is to be 
acknowledged that its successful cultivation implies either great Natural Gifts or 
great Precision and Industry, and that all homage should be shown to Milton's 
conviction t, " that solemn and divine harmonies recreate and compose our travailed 
spirits ; and that, if wise men and prophets be not extremely out, they have a 
great power over dispositions and manners, to smooth and make them gentle 
from rustic harshness and distempered passions." 

Public Music, Amateur and Professional, deserves therefore, in every Community, 
the highest encouragement. Hullah has unquestionably been a National Bene- 
factor. Oxford, with her Choral and Motett Societies, and her College Choirs, may 
and probably will show what kind of intellectual training can be furnished to a con- 
siderable portion of a Community through the subtle sense of hearing. But indeed 
of this, as of the Drama, it must be said, that, to be a real instrument of good, it 
requires the earnest efforts of able and generally cultivated minds. Great har- 
monies, like the amazing mechanism through which they find their way to our 

* See an account of the temper of a scientific man, quoted in the Appendix to a Sermon preached 
before the University by my excellent and able colleague, Professor Price, 
f Probably every one who reads this knows Milton's letter to Mr. Hartlib. 



The Discipline of Drawing is a serious discipline. 155 

soul, are grave and holy things, and by no means to be trifled with. Bad Music 
is an intellectual nuisance, and it is one way by which the virgin senses of children 
are polluted, as bad wall-prints and incorrect drawing are another ; it is as great 
an intellectual evil as a foul smell is a physical one. But the greatness of the evil 
our accustomed ears are too hardened to appreciate. An evil, however, it is, and 
one which would not be borne in a New Atlantis or in a Model Republic. 

There is nothing more curious, and few things more saddening to me, in the 
History of Man, than to notice how Arts are lost ; and what great labour the race 
endures in regaining them. It is wonderful how, after Palasstrina and some of 
our old English Composers had written their " solemn and divine harmonies," they 
should be set aside for the florid trash which passed current thirty years ago : and 
the more remarkable is this, as the Services of Palaestrina ai - e yearly heard in 
Rome, and as our Cathedrals should have disseminated a true and elevated taste in 
and through every district in the kingdom. To say here a word on the deep-rooted 
cause of this is not for me. I may venture only to record that the cultivation of 
Public Music is an educational object well worthy of the attention of our best resi- 
dents, who may cooperate in this matter with the zealous Musical Professor, and 
with those who have already done so much for it. The amount of material for 
the purpose is enormous, and needs only bringing together and cultivation, to 
show what results can, by hearty combination, be brought out in one small City. 
The Printers of the University Press have explained by their Concerts what one 
body of men can accomplish. The proposal to erect an Organ in the Town Hall 
will, if carried out, tend to foster, as it does in other towns, the highest develop- 
ment of Public Musical Art. 

There should be now no need for any man to urge the study of Drawing, either as 
a means of cultivating powers of observation and habits of precision, or as a higher 
kind of intellectual exercitation. We have been roused in our time from the aim- 
less dilettanteism of the past age to a right apprehension of the two great ends of 
Art : the one, the earnest, faithful contemplation, and honest, patient imitation of 
the forms and the colours with which the earth has been adorned : the other, the 
teaching of the heart and the intellect through the painted or sculptured ideas to 
be conveyed by that form and colour. Whatever qualities may be strengthened by 
this loving earnest imitation, we may train in our institutions for Drawing : what- 
ever we may learn from the great spirits that have from time to time spoken for 
the good of men in this form of speech, we may, if we be humble, glean from their 
works. But here, as in Science, all self must be eliminated ; and he who would 
learn from even the outward aspect of the world the lessons it will teach, must 
approach as a child — in reverence and in trust. I know no sign of our time more 
hopeful than this, that not only have the mechanical skill and the mechanical appli- 



156 Professional men often debarred from healthy relaxation. 

ances, brought to bear upon our manufactures in the last long Peace, been crowned 
with success beyond those of any other epoch of the world*, but the perception of 
beauty and of truth in Art has been slowly growing up at the same time. I must 
not allow myself to indulge here in the charms of a controversy ; but I may boldly 
say that a new page of nature and of art has been opened to us through the works 
of Ruskin ; and that the analytical powers which he has brought to the investiga- 
tion of the artistic aspect of Nature has at once illumined her book, and given eyes 
to the Reader. Nor does this conviction remove one tittle of my gratitude to the 
Great Practical Teachers of Art, who, in Greece, Italy, and Germany have shown, 
in former ages, how Genius may create for common men, a world, which but for 
their revelations must have lain unknown. To these gifts from Art to Man, Eng- 
land bids fair to offer her full part. 

How much the Physician and the Philanthropist must desire the success of 
Schools of Design, and Schools of Art, and the exercise of the faculties which they 
can cultivate, whether for the purposes of trade or as the means of enjoyment, these 
few words must testify. I add only that when a Professor of Art resides in our 
University, as I trust will ere long be ; and when we have, as he would make, an 
Historical series of Art, no City will be more happily placed, in these particulars, 
than Oxford. 



The desirableness of more thorough and systematic attention to mere Physical 
Recreation is not perhaps sufficiently appreciated. Indeed, for professional men, 
however hardworked, to expend half an hour upon joyous bodily exercise, away 
from a dusty road, almost brings them into discredit. A Surgeon may dine out 
daily, expending four hours of time, and injuring his digestive organs ; but should 
he seek health, elasticity, and vigour — of body and mind — by one half hour a week 
at Quoits or at Tennis, half his patients might desert him ; not seeing that what 
improves the bodily health of an intellectual man, improves his mental powers, to 
the great advantage of his employers. By this fashion, it can be called nothing 

* This remark may be justified, if by no other improvements upon applications of power pre- 

instance, certainly by one recent modification in viously known. Any one who doubts this should 

the way of applying Steam Power to Ships. study such a Ship as the Duke of Wellington, on 

Any one who has had opportunity for observing the one hand, and one of the new Gun Boats on 

Naval Affairs as, through the almost parental the other. I may be forgiven for respectfully 

kindness of Admiral Moresby, I had, several saying, by the way, that any man, who has never 

years ago in the Mediterranean, cannot but con lived among English Sailors, has not seen one 

sider the change from the Paddle to the Screw of the noblest aspects of human life. 
as in its results one of the most striking of all 



The beneficial effect of manly games on the mind. 157 

else, I have no doubt, many valuable lives have been lost. Besides its immediate 
effects, it engenders a certain stiffness in the whole deportment singularly unfavour- 
able to the life of a man much employed within doors in intellectual occupation. 
There can be no doubt that the maintaining the occasional habit of boyish exer- 
cises to a late period of life might prolong the health of youth, unless resorted 
to with too little frequency, and too freely indulged in when enjoyed. It is more- 
over to be observed that this remark is of the more consequence as the educated 
and intellectual classes increase in proportion to the whole population : for other- 
wise, as a greater number of minds become overtasked, and the muscular develop- 
ment is impaired by the more intellectual life of the many, more nervous diseases 
will be engendered ; and more weakly children will be born. Thus, in a physical 
sense, we might have to say, 

ALtas parentum, pejor avis tulit 

Nos nequiores, mox daturoa 
Progeniem vitiosiorem. 

It is given only to a few yearly to leave their work for several weeks, to scour 
the Continent or stalk the Highland heather. But thousands and tens of thousands 
need it, and might in a more considerate state of society find their repose, and gain 
their elasticity by their own Town-side, as of old by the Village-green. It would be 
impertinent trifling in me to say this, did I not believe that men's true work would 
be better done with a more elastic frame and ruder health ; and that their families 
and their employers might find some to be happier and wiser men who are now, 
morally and physically, victims to accidental custom. 

But childlike gambols are not beneficial to the mind-workers only. It is, at 
first sight, remarkable that even the hand-workers will rush to cricket and to games 
of strength, when they have the time and place allowed to them. Labouring men, 
if they dine at their works, as ours do in the dining-room of the New Museum, will 
often give half the dinner-time to a game of strength and of bodily skill. 

Our favourite national game of Cricket is a bad one for Towns, because it occu- 
pies much space, and can engage therefore but few persons, and is dangerous to 
children and bystanders. There are many others quite as good : Quoits, Foot-ball, 
and a score that might be made and devised ; inexpensive, occupying small space, 
healthy, suitable to all strengths and all dispositions. Oh ! that some of the Games 
of Delphi, the Stadium of Laodicea, the Palaestra of Athens could be by our Ware- 
house sides : then some hearts would be lightened, and the parching need of ardent 
spirits to stimulate some wearied nervous systems might be lessened in our streets. 
We are, in Oxford, surrounded by the blessed elasticity of youthful spirits, that 
pass by every year to leave us, alas ! too soon : we — who yearly see their joy in 
our Cricket Matches, our Boat Races, our Games, shared in by our best and our 
ablest men, — we think not of the sickness of heart and the sin that some of these 
means might spare to larger and less happy Cities. 



158 Physical, Moral, Intellectual improvement should go hand in hand. 

It is not too much to expect that the University ground, North of our Museum, 
may be saved for this purpose. If, at our Enctenia, the stranger might see a public 
holiday, with our working youths racing, or throwing, as ' Discoboli/ their discs for a 
prize, it were a sight not unworthy of the place, or the people. " Striving for the 
mastery, being temperate in all things, keeping under the body, bringing it into 
subjection,'' they might do no dishonour to persons who spend so much time in the 
contemplation of the people of Athens, and so little in the exercise of some parts of 
their wisdom, and some means of their greatness. The University, by giving prizes 
for these Athletic Games, and by imposing its own regulations on the use of its own 
ground, would show that public concourse does not necessarily mean public revelling, 
nor games imply idleness. 

The General Considerations which have been advanced in the preceding Chapters, 
will, I trust, tend to confirm those who seek the physical well-being of their neigh- 
bours, in the opinion, that attempts in that direction must also be attended by the 
promotion, of intellectual culture, and of increasing purity in the moral and the 
religious sense — that practical conviction of their duty to others, and towards God, 
is as indispensable to them as is a knowledge of the material world, and of the laws 
of their own organization — that though it is our duty to do all we are able for our- 
selves, it is no degradation to receive the help of mutual and voluntary associations, 
but rather an inestimable benefit to us, to our people — that we must accept, and 
are bound to further to the utmost, such legislative enactments as will ensure the 
useful and systematic action of voluntary efforts — and, lastly, that we bear in mind 
that many Institutions, however good and perfect in themselves for the wants of the 
people at the time of their foundation, require Changes, which often are impro- 
perly construed into censures upon the past, but which are in truth Additions, the 
need of which could not have been foreseen. 



CHAPTER VI. 

The Summary. 

The object of the whole of the inquiry which has been made, has been to deter- 
mine, as far as was possible, the Cause of Cholera in Oxford and the District which 
surrounds it ; and to elicit from the general result what can be effected by way of 
prevention of the Disease, or of preparation for meeting it. 

The First Part was occupied in stating the Facts of the Disease ; and the 
Second in describing the plans which the Board of Health adopted for the welfare 
of the City. 

It seemed the fitter course with respect to the Third Part, to sketch in a broad 
manner for general consideration certain aspects of Civilized Society, as its masses 
stand in relation to physical and moral causes, in a City which contains a moderate 



Medical Opinions on Sanitary Improvements. 159 

population; and which has some, and is exempt from other, evils dependent on 
life in a town. This has been done with the utmost brevity ; and will necessarily 
appear inadequate to the greatness of the subjects. The sketches, however, can 
readily be filled up in the minds of many ; but may perhaps open up a new field 
of contemplation to some hitherto unaccustomed to consider the larger exigencies 
of human life. If so, their object is fully attained. 

It remains now to make a summary of certain purely local questions which those 
pages have suggested. 

Immediately upon the close of the Epidemic, I was able to procure from many 
of my Medical Colleagues their opinions on the chief Sanitary deficiencies of the 
City : a summary of these, with their usual kindness, which indeed I cannot in any 
manner adequately acknowledge, they permit me to make public. The following is 
the Question that was put to them. 

What sanitary improvement are you most anxious to see at once 
carried out ? 

Mr. Freeborn states, in answer to this question — " I think it of paramount importance, that in 
attempting to improve the drainage of Oxford, the City should not be deprived of the wholesome 
water which is supplied through the gravel soil. This accident has happened in some parts of the 
Town, and people have been obliged to sink their wells into the clay, the water from which is bad 
and quite unfit for drinking or cooking. 

" I think a great sanitary improvement would be the covering in of the Trill Mill Stream. 

" When the rivers are low, and the water in the sewers very scanty, noxious gases accumulate in 
the sewers, and find vent through the water-closets which are drained into them. I have been lately 
forcibly struck by the offensive condition of some of the better houses of the City from this cause. 
Cases of Choleraic Disease have occurred in these houses, in close relation with the intensity of the 
offensive smell. I think this evil might be remedied by adjusting shafts to the sewers." 

Dr. Giles says : — " I think we are not sufficiently aware of the distance through which fluids, 
retaining their peculiar properties unimpaired, may percolate into the wells, &c. As an example, I 
may mention the circumstance of a large heap of salt dissolved by the bursting of a water-pipe at the 
top of the High Street, influencing the taste of the water in various wells for six weeks or two months, 
as far as Castle Street." 

Mr. Hansard strongly urges " that the Trill Mill Stream should be covered in, through its 
entire course to the bed of the river." He is also anxious to see carried out " the naming and 
legibly posting up the names of the numerous courts and alleys in the poorer districts of the town. 
In London," he says, "this has been found of great service, both in a moral and in a sanitary point 
of view ; for it calls attention to those hidden and otherwise forgotten spots, first and most severely 
affected by Epidemics." 

Mr. Hester deems "the flushing of all the streams into which so many abominations empty 
themselves, one of the most important of the required sanitary measures. I would name," he says, 
" the Trill Mill Stream more expressly as an example." 

" I consider likewise that all persons keeping horses, and having large quantities of manure, 
should be compelled to carry it oft" frequently. No one can have passed Inn yards, when the 

u % 



160 Medical Opinions on Sanitary Improvements. 

manure was being taken away, without being struck by the dreadful smell arising from it. It is a 
fact worth considering, that three fatal cases of Cholera have occurred in the immediate neighbour- 
hood of the Mitre and Maidenhead Inns." 

He dwells on the importance of " a more efficient system of drainage, and the removal of all cess- 
pools. An inquiry should be instituted as to the state of every house in the place, and as far as 
possible every nuisance of this kind removed, and by having water-closets constructed with a fair 
communication to the external air." 

Mr. Hitchings considers it among the most important of sanitary measures, " that windows be 
put at the backs of houses where there are none now, or that some such means should be adopted for 
free ventilation. 

" That whitewashing be strictly enforced. And overcrowding of houses prevented." 

Mr. Hussey wishes that all cesspools connected with water-closets and privies, should be marie 
to empty into the main sewers. 

He remarks, " that when the City is supplied with water from the large pond of the Railway, it 
should be made a punishable offence to throw offensive things into it, as in the case of the New- 
River in London." 

Mr. Leapingwell says that in the district in which he has been chiefly engaged, (i. e. St. Tho- 
mas's), " nothing short of clearing the ground of the present buildings, and reconstructing proper 
dwellings, will be sufficient." 

" The state of the river, from Pleasure-boat Row to the Castle Mill, should be entirely altered." 

" The other streams are equally in need of improvement." 

Mr. Owen considers the most important sanitary requirement to be " a better drainage. All the 
open ditches passing through the city should," he says, " be bricked over, and 

" The dwellings of the poor should be examined, especially with regard to the situation of the 
privies." 

Mr. Wood thinks it especially important to have " a better supply of water," and 

" A large increase in the number of what ought to be water-closets, particularly in the courts and 

smaller streets, where it is not unusual to find from six to ten houses with only one privy amongst 

them, and that one scarcely ever in a state fit to be used." 

There is little occasion to enlarge upon these brief but luminous statements. 
The Town, they say, wants drainage ; the streams want purifying ; the waterclosets 
and privies need improvement ; the houses of the poor require inspection. The 
dwellings of St. Thomas's can only be cleansed by removal : in short, faulty dwell- 
ings, faulty ventilation, foul streams, inadequate drainage, are by united testimony 
to be found even in this City of Palaces. 

A general retrospect of the Sanitary improvements in Oxford during the last 
few years, may aid us to the decision of what remains yet to be done * I shall in 
few words recapitulate them. By this course also the Reader will feel thoroughlv 
satisfied that the Authorities have not been unobservant of the wants of the City. 

1st, Since the Cholera Epidemic new Water- works, far more efficient than the 

* It seems unnecessary to attempt to enumerate all the evils, whether of slaughter houses, or other 
undesirable tenements, against which the Authorities have power to proceed. 



Improvements that have been effected in Oxford. 161 

old, and capable of supplying more than the present wants of the Town, have 
been erected. They are, as all know, removed from the river, being supplied from 
an excavation in the gravel to the south of the City, of more than eleven acres 
in extent. The water is therefore filtered through the gravel bed. Sir William 
Cubitt's recommendation to take the water from above stream, has been departed 
from, for the sake, it is to be presumed, of using this natural filter. I may well 
leave the merits of a difficult case in the hands of those authorized to decide upon it. 
At all events, I am happy to believe the supply bids fair to be plentiful and good. 

2dly, A reference to the Map at the beginning of the Memoir, shows in a general 
manner, as has been before stated, the partially drained, or the undrained portions 
of the City. But it is not to be understood of Localities that are shaded green on 
the Map, that they have undergone no improvement. The largest tract so coloured, 
is that of St. Aldate's and St. Ebbe's. But in that district a foul ditch has been 
filled up, a sewer substituted, and various drains have been constructed, both in 
the upper and lower parts of the area. The drains, however, empty themselves into 
the adjoining branches of the river. The foul channel, called the Trill Mill Stream, 
is uncovered ; and the surrounding country is liable to floods, by which the water is 
from time to time pressed through or over the banks into the adjoining soil, and 
some of the cellars of a part of the district. 

St. Thomas's has been greatly improved in the last ten years ; indeed any one 
familiar with the course and state of its ditches in 1846, would hardly recognize 
some parts of it. It has appeared however in the previous pages, that St. Thomas's 
still contains some of the worst blots on the City. 

In other parts of the City, additions of lesser drains discharging into some main 
drain have been making. Complaints are occasionally made that the consequence is 
a change for the worse, in consequence of the reflux of noxious gases from the main 
drain. This is a result which, in the existing state of sewers, is probably of frequent 
occurrence. 

Various cesspools have been removed * : during the time of the Cholera, cottages 
and rooms were cleansed and whitewashed by order of the Commissioners : the 
lodging-houses are in much better condition than they formerly were : no one 
could desire to see a better example of the condition in which a poor tenement under- 
good management can be kept, than by inspecting the apartments of the Society 
for the relief of distressed travellers. 

* During the time of the Cholera of 1854, ordure. It was nearly 14 feet deep. In another 

about 450 Privies, 150 Piggeries, 50 Drains were the superficial area was over 300 feet. 
removed or cleansed : not more than 30 of the No work of this kind was done during the 

Privies were however converted into Water- Cholera, hut what seemed to be really necessary, 
closets. I am indebted to Mr. Galpin, the City Sur- 

Some of the Cesspools were large : one was veyor, for detailed information on these and kin- 
emptied which contained from 40 to 50 tons of dred subjects. 



16^ United action of good minds will remedy all our Sanitary defects. 

Public Baths and Washhouses have been established, in great measure, through 
the exertions of Mr. Duncan, aided by Mr. Alderman Butler. A Free Library is 
open, and largely used ; one of many benefits which Mr. Alderman Sadler has pro- 
cured for his native city. And though our Workhouse is no model for any public 
institution, perhaps the Guardians' Industrial School at Cowley may ere long be so 
esteemed. Three Cemeteries have been prepared outside the City. 

We want then, for the remedy of the Social and Physical Evils which in common 
with other towns we have, first, the thorough use of the Powers we possess ; then, 
the addition to our present Acts of certain Powers which we do not possess ; or the 
placing ourselves under the Health of Towns 1 Act. Above all, whatever is done, 
should be done as part of a carefully prearranged plan, of which some is yearly 
executed till the whole is complete. 

For these and all our common interests, we require the united, but unshrinking 
action of the best and ablest minds that dwell within our walls : the beginnings 
of this union we have already witnessed, and may hope to see it increase yet more 
and more. 

With respect to the Arrangements, in the event of another Cholera Epidemic 
visiting Oxford, it has only to be said, that probably none could be better than 
those adopted in 1854, and described in Part II., with the following exceptions ; 
that — 

1st, They should be determined upon, whenever a decided Cholera Epidemic 
appears in any town in England : though of course salaries need not gene- 
rally commence till the Epidemic appears. 
2dly, The Authorities should certainly be able to command, at any moment, 

adequate space for a House of Observation. 
3rdly, There should certainly be at once provided Wards for Contagious Dis- 
eases, if not by the Infirmary, by some other Body. 
4thly, In any Diarrhoea Epidemic, the Public should be earnestly cautioned to 
destroy by Acids, or Caustic Alkalies, all Diarrhoea Evacuations, before 
they are cast into Drains or Cesspools ; and to destroy them as soon as 
they are passed *. 

The convenience, economy, and wisdom of making these provisions beforehand, 
cannot be too earnestly insisted upon. 

* None who are unacquainted with the ordi- saturated linen of a Cholera Case was kept in a 
nary habits of mankind on a large scale, can be room in a large heap for the next washing-day. 
expected to credit the difficulty of ensuring the The mistress of the house had Cholera (in conse- 
observance of any prudential conduct. I saw quence?). No doubt such things were of con- 
under the bed of one Cholera Patient, the accu- stant occurrence, notwithstanding the provision 
mulated Cholera linen of the deceased child of made for washing all Cholera Linen, on the pre- 
the sufferer : it had lain for some days unwashed, mises of the Board of Health, 
and reeking. In a quiet respectable house, the 



This page has been intentionally left blank 



APPENDIX. 



APPENDIX A.— Seep. 90. 

Danger attending certain localities at WlTNEY. 

The following brief statement connected with the late Epidemic may be not unacceptable 
to persons interested in the state of this industrious town. I may be permitted to express, 
by the way, my sincere thanks to the various gentlemen who aided me in my inquiries, when 
I was called upon by the Board of Guardians to advise them concerning the most efficient 
means of meeting the Epidemic, and to supply them with Nurses. 

Cholera commenced in Clark's Yard, West End, in the same house and in the same yard 
where it broke out on its last visitation. I am informed that it followed the same course as 
in the first Cholera Epidemic, appearing almost simultaneously in the lower part of Corn 
Street (where indeed the first death occurred.) Eighty-Jive of the one hundred and two cases 
of Cholera and Choleraic Diarrhsea belong to these two localities. In them nearly all the 
deaths occurred ; they were equally conspicuous in the last visitation. 

The said Clark's Yard, in West End, lies low ; it is rather damp ; it receives into an ill- 
constructed drain a large quantity of offensive sewage ; the drain runs near the well, which 
it pollutes ; a few yards from the Houses it is uncovered and partially stagnant. It had, 
when I was there, one of the most sickening smells I ever perceived. In the lower part of 
Corn Street a large stagnant sewer approaches and crosses the street ; it is altogether 
uncovered ; from it proceed, after rain, and changes of temperatures, gases most offensive to 
the smell. It takes its origin in the High Street ; in the first part of its course it is known 
by the name of Guns Hole, lower down it is called Emma's Dyke. It requires no medical 
knowledge to feel this to be a spot quite dangerous to the Town. In fact, with such spots 
in the centre of a population, no one should be surprised at the outbreak of Typhus, or any 
Virulent Disease. 

APPENDIX B.— See Part iii. Chapter iii. p. 116. 

Having been very desirous to know what were the ancient habits of the Chinese 
with respect to drainage, I was enabled, through the kindness of my learned friend 
Professor Max Midler, to obtain the following interesting particulars, from the 
well-known Abbe Hue. The questions which I transmitted are printed in Italics. 

Extract from a letter of M. Stanislas Julien, Member de l'Academie (le 30 Dec. 55). 
" Mais comme je tenais beaucoup a vous satisfaire j'ai eu recours a une personne qui a re- 
side' et voyag6 15 ans en Chine, au c&ebre abbe Hue, auteur du voyage au Thibet. 



164 APPENDIX. 

1°. How are the large towns drained? 

Dans les grandes villes qui sont dallees ou pavees (quoique le pavage soit in general mal 
entretenu) l'eculement des eaux pluviales et menageres se fait, non au milieu de la rue, dans 
une partie en pente pour le ruisseau, mais des deux cotes des maisons, qui comme dans beau- 
coup de rues de notre capitale, sont un peu borabes, exacteraent comme dans la rue Vivienne, 
que vous connaissez, et ou les eaux s'ecoulent au bas des trottoirs, avec cette difference en 
notre faveur que, grace a une invention tres-avantageuse, le dessous des rebords du trottoir 
en question est creuse de maniere que l'eau s'ecoule par dessous le trottoir. 

2°. Has each house a cesspool" 

Beaucoup de maisons ont des fosses d'aisance ; celles qui n'en ont pas, possedent dans 
chaque logement des tinettes (sorte de tonneau haut et qui est plus large par sa base que par 
le haut) ; ces tinettes sont souvent fort elegantes et ornees de laque et de peintures comme 
des meubles d'ornement. Elles se ferment aussi hermetiquement qu'il est possible. 

II v a des industriels qui a des epoques regulieres viennent en chercher le contenu qu'ils 
payent assez cher; cela ressemble tout a fait a ce qu'on appelle a Paris des fosses inodores ; 
seulement chez nous c'est le particulier qui paye cette operation. II y a encore cette diffe- 
rence ; on vient chercher a domicile les tinettes, on les emporte pleines sur une voiture (qui 
va de maison a maison) et on en laisse a la place d'autres qui sont vides. 

Les details qui precedent repondent a la 3 e question : How are the cesspools cleaned out — 
by carts ? or by drains ? 

4°. What do they do with the refuse'' is it converted into manure? If so — how ? 

Cette matiere est employee a fumer les champs. Voyez les Mem. de Peking (16 vol. 4°- 
torn. II. pag. 612*.) 

Elle n'est pas convertie en engrais, au moyen de composts (c. a d. par son melange avec 
d'autres substances qui en doublent ou triplent la quantite ; mais elle est employee pure / 

Suite de la question — Whether by deodorizing process ? 

Je viens de dire qu'on l'employe pure et sans melange ; ce qui laisse sans objet les autres 
parties de la question : (if so, what process? and in large or small, public or private establish- 
ments in or out of the toivns?) 

5°. Does the plan answer commercially f 

Suivant l'abbe Hue, cette matiere est l'objet d'une espece de speculation tres avantageuse. 
II y a des proprietaires qui etablissent dans les rues tres frequentees des fosses d'aisance ou le 
public ne peut avoir acces qu'au moyen d'une petite retribution. Puis ces memes proprie- 

* " Ta-feu" — Stercus humanum — considered by reduced to powder, and then spread over the land, 

the Chinese the best of all manures, is used in two These cakes " bien loin de puer ont une odeur de 

ways ; it is either collected into pits and then diluted violettes qui est agreable." 

with water to form liquid manure, which is distri- Vide " Memoires concernant l'Histoire, les sciences, 

buted either from watering pots, or by the usual les arts, les moeurs, les usages &c. des Chinois — par 

processes of irrigation; or it may be mixed with les Missionaires de Peking," in 16 voU. 4to, Paris, 

loam earth, and then run into moulds, and so formed 1776 — 1814. — vol. 2. p. 612. The substance of the 

into cakes, which are dried in the air, and of these passage alluded to above is here given, 
there is » considerable traffic. When used they are 



APPENDIX. ] 65 

taires vendent encore la matiere qui a ete deposee par le public, a des industriels qui viennent 
la chercher et la transporter dans les campagnes ou ils en tirent un bon parti. 

II y en a outre sur les routes voisines des champs des fosses d'aisance dont l'acces est gra- 
tuit, mais qui eviderament ont ete etablies bien plutot dans l'interet du paysan agriculteur que 
du voyageur. 

Quant a l'industrie des fosses d'aisance ou Ton paye, elle ressemble tout a fait a celles des 
cabinets inodores de Paris ; il y a tel proprietaire qui en possede plusieurs en differents quar- 
tiers de la Capitale et en retire un bon revenu. 

6°. Is the present the same as the old plan ? if not, when did they change, or what was 
the old plan ? 

M. Hue croit que I'emploi des matieres fecales pour engrais remonte aux temps les plus 
anciens, et que la maniere de la recueillir a du etre la meme autrefois qu'aujourd'hui. 

Voila, mon cher Monsieur, tout ce que je puis vous dire pour repondre aux questions du 
savant professeur d'Anatomie. Je souhaite qu'il en soit satisfait. 



APPENDIX C— See Part iii. Chapter ii. p. 131. 
Protest against Introducing Gas into the Infirmary without Proper Ventilation. 

The undersigned beg leave to Protest against the introduction of Gas into the Infirmary, 
without tubes for carrying off the Products of Combustion, as proposed by the Ventilation 
Committee. 

The Products of Combustion of Gas are among the causes that deteriorate the atmosphere 
of dwellings and workshops ; and of the various sanitary improvements that have been 
recently suggested, in this and other countries, there are none more sure than the means for 
removing those products of Combustion. 

A County Hospital is especially bound to set an example for arrangements which are 
conducive to health, and can never be justified, when the power of reconsideration is open, 
in commencing plans which are known to be bad in their principle. 

If the Radcliffe Infirmary, against the expressed wish of the Committee appointed to 
advise in the Ventilation of the Infirmary, place Gas-burners in the passages which have 
been made to communicate directly with the Wards, or in the Wards, without conducting 
away the products of Combustion from these burners, it will give countenance to the opinion 
that this precaution is at least unnecessary, and will furnish an argument for its neglect in 
workshops, and other rooms where many persons are congregated ; to the great injury of 
the working classes, and the detriment of the public health. 

Against this course the undersigned take leave to protest. 

Signed by all the Physicians, two of the Surgeons, and seven Governors, including Pro- 
fessors Daubeny and Donkin. 

The Gas is introduced all over the House without Ventilating Tubes. 

x 



166 APPENDIX. 

APPENDIX D.— See Part iii. Chapter iv. p. 136. 

Letter from the Author to the Vice- Chancellor of Oxford, on the duty of erecting 
Wards for Cholera, or other Epidemic Disease. 

Dear Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 

During the late Cholera Epidemic, the Oxford Board of Health requested me to draw up 
an account of the disease as it appeared in Oxford in 1854. 

In one section of that Report it is my duty to record whether any, or, if any, what, mea- 
sures should be taken in another advent of the disease. 

I have given my best attention to this subject, and having considered that the Town ha? 
already, between the years 1832 and 1854 inclusive, expended several hundred pounds on 
Temporary Buildings for the care of the sick, I have decided on recommending that Per- 
manent Wards, with such appendages as may be necessary, be provided to meet the emergen- 
cies of any Epidemic. 

The Welfare of the Town, its Health, its Reputation, and its Trade, demand that it should 
not be subjected to the periodical excitement of hurriedly erecting imperfect and expensive 
Temporary " Pest-houses," if by any means a conveniently-situated and Permanent building 
can be obtained. 

No one need doubt that the existence of such a building would not only afford one of the 
best safeguards against the spread of most Epidemics, but also with certainty check the 
panic caused by the excitement of energetic preparations at the outset of the disease. It 
would be in readiness to receive the first cases in any outbreak ; whereas on previous occa- 
sions the disease has greatly spread before the necessary accommodation has been provided. 

The building need not be large. It should have a Ward for male and one for female 
patients ; a Kitchen ; Nurses' apartments ; a convenient Surgery ; a Laundry ; a Bath, or 
Baths ; and proper Drainage. The Wards should be capable of extension. All may be on 
one floor. The structure should, if possible, be conveniently situated for access from the 
Poorer parts of the town. 

Assuming that such a structure should be raised in Oxford, the next points to be decided 
are, by whom, when, and under what management. 

It is possible that Boards of Guardians may have power for the immediate erection and 
maintenance of such an establishment. But this is not at present quite certain ; and even if 
it were, I do not think it by any means clear that this arrangement would be always the 
best. 

In many of the smaller towns, probably, they would be the only body competent for the 
purpose. But in towns of the middle class, (as average county towns,) there exists usuallv 
a General Hospital. That Hospital possesses necessarily an efficient Permanent Staff, and 
all the apparatus for medical treatment on a complete scale, of the best kind the District can 
afford, and always in readiness. 

I am not an advocate for the introduction of cases of Cholera, or Contagious Epidemic 
disease, into the General Wards of an ordinary Hospital ; but, for the reason above stated, 



APPENDIX. 107 

namely, the constant state of preparation of a most capable system of management , I should 
advocate the erection of Wards properly detached, as eminently serviceable to the whole 
District which supplies the patients to the General Hospital. 

Whether any given Hospital is able or willing to furnish such accommodation, is a 
question for the Hospital alone in each case to consider. The chief grounds of inquiry 
would be : — 

i . The Site. 

2. The Benefit or Detriment to the efficiency of the Institution. 

3. The Funds. 

1 . In the case of Oxford and the Radcliffe Infirmary, all these would be favourable to the 
proposal. The large garden at the back of the Infirmary * is more open than any other 
available site which is near the centre of our poor population, and the nature of the adjoining 
property to the North, the existence of great roads to the East and West, and of large open 
spaces occupied by the Workhouse and the University Press, all render it probable that this 
district will never be closely pressed upon by habitations. 

2. The general benefit to the Charity would partly lie in this, —that every Institution 
which holds a high character for efficiency, must, in order to maintain that character, meet 
any demands which new circumstances evoke ; and if the Radcliffe Infirmary is to remain the 
great efficient Hospital of this district, the Governors should carefully inquire whether it can 
help in the alleviation of the new and terrible disease, which, five-and-twenty years ago, was 
unknown in this country. Other considerations of the same character will present them- 
selves at once to the Committee, and no doubt especially this, — that whatever tends to raise 
the efficiency of a Hospital, and adds to its importance, not only benefits the Patients, 
Pupils, and Staff of the Hospital itself; but indirectly reflects corresponding and ever- 
increasing advantages on the sick of all stations in the surrounding district. 

3. With respect to the question of Funds, as the amount need not exceed the collective 
expense of the Three Temporary Buildings we have already erected and removed, there is no 
doubt it might be provided by subscription. 

One question will readily occur to most persons, namely, whether the health of the 
Infirmary will be prejudiced by placing in its spacious garden detached Wards of the nature 
proposed. I am of opinion that it would not be prejudiced ; and, of course, that the same 
immunity would be shared by surrounding habitations. 

I am, 
Dear Mr. Vice- Chancellor, 

Your faithful Servant, 

HENRY W. ACLAND. 
To the Rev. the Vice -Chancellor of the 
University of Oxford. 

* The Infirmary stands on between three and four acres of open ground : a large part is let now as a 
Market Garden, on yearly lease. 

X 2 



lfirt APPENDIX. 



APPENDIX E.— See Part iii. Chapter v. p. 154. 

As it may interest some readers to see the temper in which earnest Scientific 
men are endeavouring to carry on their work, the following is reprinted : — 

" In pursuance, then, of the course which I have set out, we cannot but observe upon the 
temper and the tone of mind which is requisite for a successful study of the external pheno- 
mena of nature. Now, whether it is true or not that the philosophical temper was first 
taught by the Gospel, yet it is true that the spirit of teachableness and humility, a willing- 
ness to be only learners, a consciousness of our inability ever to arrive at the whole truth, 
an abnegation of trust in our own powers only, a depreciation of our own pre-conceived notions, 
are characteristics of a mind requisite for a studv of Nature's laws, and are also no less 
requisite for the Christian disciple ; the habits of mind which are throughout the Bible 
represented as well-pleasing in God's sight are the very habits which are necessary for suc- 
cess in scientific investigation, and without which it is impossible to extend the bounds of 
our knowledge in that department. 

There must be an honest and an eager desire after truth. An honest love of truth 
supplies the motive for the inquiry ; an eager desire after it excites the inquirer in the 
pursuit. Whatever may be the result, it is so far immaterial to him. Enough that it is a 
fact which he arrives at, or a law which binds together many facts ; that the cause is a 
vera causa, and then he cares not for the consequences : a true principle, or a true law, does 
not in the exact and the material sciences lead to false results. Now this love of truth is a 
characteristic of modern science, and one which it is necessary more particularly to specify, 
because inquiries, scientific and other, have not always been conducted in this spirit. 
Inquirers do not search to support a theory, or to carry out an idea, which their imagination 
has framed ; the object is to arrive at the truth, to know the truth, and not to theorise. 
However in past times men may have speculated on such subjects for the sake of amuse- 
ment, or as an exercise of ingenuity, or to indulge their fancv, or to display the powers of 
their intellect, or to form a school of followers, although they may have interrogated nature 
only so far, or so imperfectly, that it may seem to square with their notions, such is not the 
fact now ; and however strange it may seem that any theory concerning nature should have 
been entertained, except when founded on observation or experiment, yet we must remember 
that it has been only within the last three centuries that the correct method of inquiry has 
been found in the world, and has been applied to the unravelling of the complicated facts of 
nature. Surely the open honest avowal of the natural philosopher, that he seeks after the 
truth and nothing but the truth ; that he has no intellect or fancy to gratify, no theory to 
complete, no doctrine of a favourite master to fill in, is a phase required in the investigation 
of Nature and her laws, and is remarkably in accordance with the moral character of the 
disciple of Him by Whom came truth as well as grace. 

And besides this earnestness and seriousness, this eagerness in the pursuit of truth, other 
dispositions are necessary, and which are as bright ornaments of the Christian character as 



APPENDIX. 169 

of the philosophical temper. Modesty, humility, patience, caution, industry, these obtain 
triumphs which are not conceded to the opposites. Rashness of assertion, arrogance and 
overweening confidence in our own powers, hastiness in drawing conclusions, and in inferring 
beyond that which the premises warrant, are inconsistent with the homage which Nature 
exacts of those who would unravel her secret wonders. Her mysteries are not revealed to 
those who come to her in any other garb than the humble and reverential spirit of learners 
and disciples ; and who acknowledge themselves, and truly too, to be only learners and 
disciples at last. Proud and overbearing conceit, Nature refuses to submit to, or to lav 
herself open to. Whosoever will be a successful learner of the knowledge which she has to 
impart, must come to her in childlike simplicity, in a lowly and a teachable spirit ; and then 
he will learn such wisdom as she has to give. 

Here, too, I may observe upon the training of the character, whether moral or intellec- 
tual, which such an investigation affords. The discipline is long and tedious, by which the 
man is taught to subdue those baser principles which impede its philosophical temper ; but 
one by one are they to be overcome ; and even those nobler faculties and feelings, which 
are good in themselves, and yet prejudicial when in excess, are to be moderated. Here 
much diligent watchfulness is required ; calmness, and caution, and dispassionate judgment 
are necessary, and are inculcated ; impatience, impetuosity, anger or even peevishness at 
failure, are positively fatal to success in philosophical inquiry. Fairness in forming an 
estimate, patience in waiting for future light, a willingness to be ignorant for a time, d 
consciousness that only a little of the vast Cosmos can be known, are marks of a temper 
necessary for the investigation of nature's laws and works, and are closely akin to the 
Christian character as drawn in the Bible, and are those which the Christian perfection 
requires *." 



APPENDIX F. 

Certain Benevolent and Educational Institutions in the City of Oxford. 
With the intention of putting before the philanthropists of the district a general view of 
the benevolent Institutions of Oxford, the following list is appended. There are various 
foundation charities of which the list may be seen in the Reports of the Charities' Commis- 
sion for Oxford : and probably all the Parochial Societies are not entered. I shall feel 
grateful to any person who can forward to me the name, address, objects, and Reports of 
any that are omitted. 

1 . Hospitals and other Medical Institutions. 



The Radcliffe Infirmary — connected with 
the Margate Sea-bathing Infirmary and the 
Leamington Hospital, and also a small Sa- 
maritan Fund. 

Oxford Medical Dispensary. 

St. Clement's Medical Dispensary — con- 
nected with Boulter's Almshouses. 



Oxford Lying-in Charity. 

County (and Borough) Lunatic Asylum. 

Warneford Lunatic Asylum. 



Female Penitentiary. 

Public Baths and Washhouses. 



* Sermon preached before the University of Oxford, by the Rev. B. Price, F. R. S. Sedleian Professor of 
Natural Philosophy in Oxford. 



170 



APPENDIX. 



2. Charities for relieving the distressed. 



Benevolent Society. 
Clothing Fund. 
Coal Fund. 
Soup and Coke Fund. 
District Visiting Society. 
Dorcas Society — for supplying articles of 
dress to the poor. 



Society for the relief of distressed travellers. 
Loan Society — for advancing small loans 

to deserving poor. 
Headington Union Workhouse — for part 

of Oxford. 
House of Industry — for the eleven United 

Parishes of Oxford. 



Christ Church Almshouses. 

St. Bartholomew's Almshouses, connected 

with Oriel College. 
Boulter's Almshouses. 



3. Almshouses. 

Aid. Parsons' Almshouses. 

Aid. Tawney's Almshouses. 

Stone's Hospital — Almshouses for women. 



4. Provident and Friendly Societies. 



Savings Bank. 

College Servants' Benefit Society. 
College Servants' Provident Institution. 
Independent Order of Odd Fellows. 
Mechanical Benefit Society. 



Oxford Independt. order of United Brothers. 
Oxford Friendly Institution. 
Young Freemen's Friendly Society. 
Freemason's Lodge. 
Society of Ancient Druids. 



5. Schools supported by Endowment or Contributions. 
i. Connected with the University. 

New College School for Choristers. 



Christ Church School for Choristers, &c. 
Magdalen College School for Choristers 
&c. 



National School, including the Grey Coat 
Boys' School, Jericho. 



2. City and Parochial. 



Blue Coat Boys, Church Street, St. Ehhe's. 

Blue Gown Girls, Beef Lane. 

Nixon's Freemen's School, Town Hall 

Yard. 
St. Clement's Parochial School. 
St. Ebbe's ditto. 
St. Giles' ditto. 
St. Aldate's ditto. 
St. Mary Magdalen ditto, and Infant 

ditto. 



St. Michael's Parochial School. 

St. Peter le Bailey ditto. 

St. Peter in the East ditto. 

Holywell ditto. 

St. Paul's ditto. 

Industrial School for training Servant Girls, 

St. John Street. 
Wesleyan School, Broken Hayes. 
Baptist School for Girls, Penson's Gardens. 
Industrial School for the United Parishes. 



6. Religious Societies. 



Society for Promoting Christianity among 
the Jews. (Auxiliary.) 

British and Foreign Bible Society. (Auxi- 
liary.) 

Church Missionary Association. 

Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. 



Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. 
Prayer Book and Homily Society. (Auxi- 
liary.) 
Diocesan Church Building Society. 
Diocesan Curates' Aid Society. 



APPENDIX. 



7. Institutions in Aid of Education. 



Choral Society, and other Musical Societies. 
City Public Lectures. 
City Public Reading Room and Library. 
Diocesan Board of Education. 



Working Men's Educational Institution. 
Reading and Lecture Room, and Mess 
Rooms for Workmen of theNewMuseum. 
Oxford Youn° Men's ChristianAssociation. 



APPENDIX G. 



Any reader who may happen to wish for the titles of a few works on subjects 
touched on in the foregoing pages, may consult the following : — 



Du Systeme Sociale,&c, by Ad. Quetelet. 

Guillaumin, Paris. 
The Claims of Labour. Parker, London. 
Sanitary condition of the City of London, 

by J. Simon, F.R.S., Parker, London. 
Traite d'Hygiene Publique et privee, by 

Levy. Bailliere, Paris. 
Reports on Epidemic Cholera, of the Col- 
lege of Physicians, &c. Churchill, Lond. 
General Board of Health, Report of the 

Committee for Scientific Inquiries, &c. 

1854. 
Appendix to ditto. 
Reports on Drainage, &c. by the General 

Board of Health. (Apply to Ch. Knight, 

London.) 



Health of Towns Commissioner's Reports. 
Third Annual Report of the Commissioners 

for Relief of the Poor in Ireland. 
Parliamentary Report (5th July, 1854) on 

Medical Relief. 
Census of Great Britain for 1 85 1 . 
Registrar General's Report on Cholera of 

1840. 
Twelfth Annual Report of Registrar Ge- 
neral. 
The Charities of London. Sampson Low, 

London. 
Arnott on the Smokeless Fire-place, &c. 

Longman, London. 
Journals of the Royal Agricultural Society 

of England. 



In the above works references will be found to almost every branch of the inquiry 
touched upon in this Memoir. 



ERRATA. 

Page 28, at the bottom of the Table, for ' from Choleraic Disease,' read ' of Choleraic Disease.' 
34, after 'Census Classification,' read ' of 1851.' 
40, line_12, for ' Plate 4,' read ' Plate 3.' 

7 1 , line 1 1, for ' that otherwise would have done perfectly well,' read ' might have done perfectly well.' 

72, line 6, for 'the disease was arrested,' read 'was apparently arrested.' 

73, conclusions, for ' coexists with Cholera,' read ' coexists with a Cholera Epidemic' 

74, line 3, for 'that the true Cholera' read 'that an Epidemic of the true Cholera.' 
109, for 'Appendix B,' read ' Appendix C 

111, last line, for ' Appendix C,' read ' Appendix B.' 
Plate 3, Brackley was inserted only to show its position. Cholera occurred there ; but its history has not 
been investigated by me : there is very little communication between Brackley and Oxford. 



[ 172 ] 



Also by the same Author, 

SYNOPSIS OF THfe PHYSIOLOGICAL SERIES IN THE CH. CH. MUSEUM : 

Arranged, for the use of Students, after the Plan of the Hunterian Collection, and chiefly 
under the Divisions of the Hunterian Catalogue. 

A LETTER FROM A MEDICAL STUDENT ON SOME MORAL DIFFICULTIES IN 
HIS STUDIES, AND ON THE DUTY OF THE STATE TO AID IN LESS- 
ENING THEM. 

REMARKS ON THE EXTENSION OF EDUCATION AT THE UNIVERSITY OF 
OXFORD. 

A LETTER TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE W. E. GLADSTONE, M. P., ON THE 
FORMATION OF THE INITIATIVE BOARD IN THE UNIVERSITY OF 
OXFORD. 

A few Copies may be had of 

THE PLAINS OF TROY, 

Illustrated hy a Panoramic Drawing taken on the spot; and a Map constructed after the 
latest Survey. Oxford, 1839. 



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